Праздник деревья свободы

Санкюлотиды

«Санкюлотиды» — дополнительные дни календарного года. Для согласования длины календарного года с продолжительностью солнечного необходимо было в конце каждого простого года добавлять еще 5, а в високосном — 6 дней. Весь этот период с 17 по 22 сентября был назван в честь восставшего народа «санкюлотидами» объявлен нерабочим, и каждый из его дней посвящался особому празднику.

Первый день санкюлотид (17 сентября) был праздником Гения, во время которого восхвалялись выдающиеся победы человеческого ума: открытия и изобретения, сделанные за год в науках, искусствах и ремеслах.

Вторая санкюлотида (18 сентября) называлась праздником Труда и посвящалась героям труда.

Третья (19 сентября) отмечалась как праздник Подвигов. В этот день прославлялись проявления личного мужества и отваги.

Четвертая (20 сентября) была праздником Наград. Во время ее совершались церемонии публичного признания и национальной благодарности в отношении всех тех, кто был прославлен в предыдущие три дня.

Пятая санкюлотида (21 сентября) — праздник Мнения, веселый и грозный день общественной критики. Горе должностным лицам, если они не оправдают оказанного им доверия.

Шестая санкюлотида (22 сентября), отмечаемая только в високосные годы, называлась просто Санкюлотидой и посвящалась спортивным играм и состязаниям.

День взятия Бастилии (14 июля)

Единственный революционный праздник, сохранившийся до наших дней. Официально его стали праздновать лишь в конце 19 века, но впервые отметили уже в 1790 году под названием «Праздник Федерации».

Проходил он не на развалинах Бастилии, а на Марсовом поле, которое в то время находилось вне Парижа. Усилиями добровольцев его удалось полностью преобразить для праздника.

В начале праздника отслужил мессу епископ Талейран, после чего генерал Лафайет принес клятву верности конституции. За ним последовал король. После окончания официальной церемонии по всему Парижу начались народные гуляния, фейерверки и танцы.

В последующие революционные годы день падения Бастилии отмечали народными гуляниями, а потом с 1793 по 1803 вместо этого праздника отмечали «день Республики» 1-го вандемьера (22 сентября).

Наконец, в 1880 году день взятия Бастилии был вновь объявлен официальным национальным праздником.

День принятия Конституции

10 августа 1793 года – годовщина восстания на Марсовом поле, которое дало импульс к свержению монархии и день принятия Республиканской Конституции, написанной Эро де Сешелем и другими.

Публичная присяга Конституции состоялась на развалинах Бастилии. Как и многие другие сценарии революционных праздников, программа была придумана Давидом.

На развалинах Бастилии была сооружена статуя Природы, из груди которой бил фонтан.

Туда же пришли депутаты Конвента под предводительством председателя Эро де Сешеля.

Де Сешель набрал из фонтана у подножия статуи Природы воды и выпил первым, произнеся небольшую речь, его примеру последовали депутаты и делегаты из провинций.

Далее процессия прошла по парижским улицам до площади Революции, где была установлена статуя Свободы. Возле нее Эро де Сешель произнес вторую речь и присягнул на верность Конституции.

По окончании официальных церемоний на улицах города повсеместно были акрыты столы для общественных трапез, за которыми последовали танцы и песни до глубокой ночи.

Праздник Разума – 10 ноября 1793

Осенью 1793 года в стране развернулось движение дехристианизации, противопоставившее католическому культу культ Разума. В ноябре того же когда коммуна Парижа издала декрет о запрете католического богослужения и закрытии церквей. В них открывали «святилища Разума».

Праздник проходил одновременно во многих церквях, в которых было закрыто все, тчо напоминало о христианстве. Центральная церемония прошла в Соборе Парижской Богоматери.

В нем установили храм с надписью «философия», бюсты философов и зажгли «факел Истины».

Их «храма» вышли сперва девушки в белом, а потом – «Богиня Разума», олицетворявшая свободу и на самом деле бывшая актрисой. Такие же «богини» присутствовали на всех церемониях в других храмах и также были известными актрисами и куртизанками. Праздник закончился трапезами на городских улицах, танцами и гуляниями.

После праздника Конвент решил преобразовать Нотр-Дам де Партии в Храм Разума. Такие же празднества шли по всей стране. Они проходили в форме карнавалов с обязательным участием «богинь Разума», с принуждением священников публично отрекаться от церкви и сана после чего следовало краткое «богослужение» и все те же гуляния. Во многих селениях и департаментах жители протестовали против уничтожения католической религии, начались легкие волнения.

21 ноября 1793 года Робеспьер осудил действия дехристианизаторов. 6—7 декабря 1793 года Конвент официально осудил меры насилия, «противоречащие свободе культов». В марте 1794 года культ Разума был запрещён.

Праздник Верховного Существа — 8 июня 1794

Культ Верховного Существа утверждался властями в борьбе, во-первых, с христианством, а во-вторых, с Культом Разума. С идейной стороны культ Верховного Существа наследовал деизму Просвещения (Вольтер) и философским взглядам Руссо, допускавшего божественный промысел. Он опирался на понятия естественной религии и рационализма. Целью культа, включавшего также ряд праздников в честь республиканских добродетелей, было «развитие гражданственности и республиканской морали». Термин «Бог» избегался и заменялся на термин «Верховное Существо».

Ярым сторонником культа Верховного существа был Робеспьер, ставший и одним из инициаторов праздника. Цели у Робеспьера были, в основном политические.

Внутри страны в провинциях нарастало недовольство борьбой якобинцев с католической церковью, священниками и обрядами. Дехристианизация также играла Франции дурную службу на внешнеполитической арене, восстанавливая против нее не только европейских политиков, но и европейские народы.

Праздник Верховного существа должен был, с одной стороны, учредить новый главенствующий религиозный культ, схожий с католическим и призванный заменить его, а с другой стороны, показать, что Республика настроена миролюбиво по отношению к религии и прочим культам, существующим в стране и не является атеистическим государством. Таким образом, Робеспьер намеревался учредить новую главенствующую государственную религию.

В день праздника Робеспьер был избран председателем Конвента, и тем самым ему отводилось первое место в празднике, которым должен был руководить Конвент.

Праздничная церемония открылась речью Робеспьера.

После речи Робеспьера под музыку была сожжена «гидра атеизма». Чучела, изображавшие атеизм, символы честолюбия, эгоизма и гордыни, были сожжены Робеспьером, как первосвященником, или жрецом, а на их месте появилось изображение Мудрости. Затем Робеспьер произнес вторую речь, на этот раз против атеизма, который «короли хотели утвердить во Франции».

Этот пышный праздник был ошибкой Робеспьера. Его враги сочли, что Робеспьер перестал довольствоваться тем, что он глава политической власти, и стремился еще сделаться жрецом новой национальной церкви. Его стремление к неограниченной и единоличной власти отвратило от него все больше союзников.

Когда Робеспьер шел во главе процессии, депутаты Конвента перешептывались между собой, называя его «диктатором», что он прекрасно слышал, и вернулся с него в дурном расположении духа, по воспоминаниям современников.

Деревья Свободы

Праздник, не имевший точной календарной даты и проводившийся в провинциях вразнобой. Объединяла его лишь идея посадки «деревьев свободы» — традиция, очевидно унаследованная от «майских деревеьев» Бельтайна.

Как и в канун мая, участники торжества сажали живые деревья .или втыкали в землю длинный шест и украшали его цветами, венками, лентами и революционными эмблемами, а вокруг разворачивалось народное гуляние.

Такой обряд появился в январе 1790 г. в провинции Перигор, а затем широко распространился по всей Франции.

В Париже первое дерево свободы посажено в 1790 году, дерево торжественно увенчали красным колпаком и пели вокруг него революционные песни. Уже в мае 1790 года почти в каждой деревне был торжественно посажен молодой дубок как постоянное напоминание о свободе.

Мученики свободы

Как и в предыдущем случае, революционеры пытались дать старой традиции новый смысл. В частности, святым должны были прийти на смену «мученики свободы», а изображение Свободы могло соседствовать в жилищах рядом с изображением Девы Марии.

«Мучеников свободы» было трое: убитый Шарлоттой Корде в июле 1793 года Марат, убитый роялистом в январе 1793 года Лепелетье, и казненный в мятежном Лионе в июле того же года глава местных якобинцев Шалье.

Культ мучеников особенно усилился в разгар дехристианизации, когда с закрытием церквей на время было запрещено совершение католических обрядов. Обряды в честь «мучеников свободы» совершались с поистине религиозной пышностью, с торжественными кортежами и участием хоров.

Вместе с тем, подмена старых святых новыми сопровождалась дехристианизацией: на похоронах Шалье, чей пепел возложили на алтарь и поклонялись ему, как святыне, зажгли огромный костер, куда бросили Евангелие, жития святых, церковные облачения и утварь. По окончании церемонии бюст Шалье водрузили в церкви вместо разбитого изображения Христа.

Дерево свободы (фр. arbre de la liberté, нем. Freiheitsbaum) — революционный символ.

История

Ведет свое происхождение от распространённого у многих европейских народов обычая встречать наступление весны, а также больших праздников насаждением зелёных деревьев (майские деревья). Символический смысл свободы дерево впервые получило во время американской войны за независимость, в начале которой жители Бостона собирались под подобным деревом для совещаний.

По рассказу аббата Грегуара, автора «Essai historique et patriotique sur les arbres de la liberté», первое Дерево свободы было посажено во время французской революции Норбертом Прессаком, священником в департаменте Виенны. В мае 1790 года почти в каждой деревне был торжественно посажен молодой дубок как постоянное напоминание о свободе. В Париже первое дерево свободы посажено якобинцами в 1790 году, увенчавшими его красной шапкой и певшими вокруг него революционные песни. Национальный конвент декретом 4 плювиоза II г. постановил, чтобы каждая община заменила непринявшиеся деревья новыми к 1 жерминалю, дабы повсюду зеленел символ свободы. Некоторым из таких деревьев давалось название «Деревья братства» (arbres de la fraternité). Хотя при реставрации все деревья свободы должны были быть уничтожены, но ещё в 1830 году в Париже, в предместье Ст.-Антуан, было украшено трёхцветным знаменем дерево, посаженное в первые времена революции.

Июльская революция вызвала и в Германии, особенно в прирейнской Баварии, водружение дерев свободы. Во время революции 1848 года также были посажены во многих местах деревья свободы, но правительственным распоряжением 1850 г. уничтожены. Такая же участь постигла деревья свободы, посаженные в 1848 года в Италии. При провозглашении республики в 1870 году были также посажены деревья свободы, особенно в южной Франции.

Источники

• Дерево свободы // Энциклопедический словарь Брокгауза и Ефрона: В 86 томах (82 т. и 4 доп.). — СПб., 1890—1907.

Великая французская революция открыла новую эру в истории человечества. Казалось, настал триумф свободы, равенства и братства. Однако решительный разрыв с многовековым монархическим укладом дался нелегко. С 1789 по 1794 г. вся жизнь народа — особенно в столице, где решались судьбы страны, — протекала на улицах. Полные надежд на будущее идейные вожди этого грандиозного переворота стремились превратить его в нескончаемый всенародный праздник — карнавал, растянувшийся на пять лет.

Замечательным воплощением этого великого революционного замысла стали многочисленные «деревья Свободы». У крестьян издавна существовала традиция сажать по разным поводам (свадьба, сбор урожая) «майские деревья» — для этой цели годилось любое дерево и даже врытый в землю столб, — веря, что они приносят плодородие, радость и успех. В дни революции дерево стало символом уничтожения феодальной системы, эмблемой Свободы. Какой же праздник без него! Каждый город сажал свое дерево, украшая его трехцветными лентами, кокардами, флагами, красными колпаками и листовками с текстом Декларации прав человека и гражданина. Под его ветвями праздновали освобождение, водили хороводы. Посадка священного в глазах народа «дерева Свободы» превращалась в торжество, часто завершавшееся песнями и фарандолой.

Вообще песни, которыми, как правило, сопровождаются все народные танцы, занимали особое место в жизни этой революционной эпохи. За пять лет их было сложено более двух тысяч. В стране, где каждый второй был неграмотным, они служили мощным средством полемики. Воздух улиц буквально звенел от патриотических, политических и сатирических куплетов; порой разгоралась настоящая песенная война: революционные песни «сражались» против роялистских. Уличного певца, где бы он ни появлялся, тут же окружала толпа, подхватывавшая песню, тем более что мелодия чаще всего была старая, всем известная, менялись только слова.

«Станцуем Карманьолу! Да здравствует гром пушек!»

Люди пели повсюду и по любому поводу: на площадях, в залах заседаний и народных собраний, в тюрьмах, театрах и даже… на трибуне Учредительного собрания. Однажды, когда какой-то гражданин запел, стоя перед судом, Дантон, не выдержав этого «песенного помешательства», взорвался: «В моем характере тоже хватает галльской веселости, — воскликнул он, — но я требую, чтобы впредь здесь звучали только прозаические доводы». Пели обо всем: о политике, меняющихся настроениях, декретах Учредительного собрания. Все перипетии борьбы внутри страны и за ее пределами находили отражение в песнях тех лет.

Без этого непременного атрибута любого собрания и праздника не обходилось ни одно народное восстание. Случалось, что особенно важные революционные выступления заканчивались спонтанным торжеством, как это было 5—6 октября 1789 г., когда демонстрация около семи тысяч решительно настроенных парижан, главным образом женщин, завершилась «захватом» королевского дворца в Версале.

Поход женщин на Версаль

Людовика XVI сопровождало в Париж настоящее праздничное шествие — смеющееся, бурлящее, танцующее. За его каретой бежали тысячи горожан. «Везут!» — кричали они уличным зевакам. Взобравшиеся на пушки женщины в шапках подоспевших на выручку гренадеров Национальной гвардии почетным эскортом проплывали мимо толпы. За ними следовало несколько возов с зерном, мукой и бочками вина. Это был день всеобщего ликования и братания, символом которого стали тополиные ветки; их втыкали в ружейные стволы, несли в руках. Веселье не омрачали даже торчавшие повсюду отрубленные головы солдат королевской охраны, насаженные на острия пик в назидание тем, кто осмелится противиться воле народа.

Это были не только военные трофеи, но и предупреждение. Луи Себастьен Мерсье в своем сочинении «Картины Парижа» пишет: «Парижане находят в этом водовороте событий повод для веселья». В самом деле, протесты народа, решившего, по словам Мерсье, в один прекрасный день сбросить вековое ярмо, зачастую облекались в форму самых невероятных шуток и выходок. Представим себе на миг странный королевский кортеж, протискивающийся сквозь запрудившую улицы огромную толпу, лица горожан, застывшие в изумлении перед этим «устрашающим весельем масс», превративших в пленника своего монарха — последнего Богом данного государя.

Подобные народные шествия удивительно похожи на карнавал. Люди выражают свою радость в неистовых танцах и движениях, в революционном экстазе они выставляют на посмешище все, что считалось священным в — увы! — отжившем обществе. И пусть вокруг войны, смерть и кровь — смешаем в пляске радость и ярость. Будем плясать, чтобы не думать о своем прошлом.

Во время восстания 10 августа 1792 г., с которого собственно и началась Республика, парижане разграбили дворец Тюильри, перебили швейцарцев из королевской охраны, открывших огонь по толпе, и тут же, насадив их головы на пики, пустились в пляс, празднуя победу над монархией. Дух этой «второй революции» как нельзя лучше передает знаменитая «Карманьола», которую поют и сегодня. Ее припев: «Станцуем Карманьолу! Да здравствует гром пушек!» — дает полное представление об этом времени, радостном и жестоком. На месте казни Людовика XVI, прозванного Людовиком последним, 21 января 1793 г. народ лихо отплясывал фарандолу.

Эти народные праздники, которые имели огромное воздействие на современников, были, несомненно, одним из способов борьбы с религией. В 1790 г. «Гражданское устройство духовенства» разделило верующих на тех, кто его принял, и тех, кто после протеста папы римского отказался его признать. Постепенно значительная часть духовенства перешла на сторону контрреволюции; так в глазах народа церковь стала врагом свободы.

Прежних святых сменили новые — так называемые мученики свободы, отдавшие жизнь за революцию. Среди них депутат Учредительного собрания Лепелетье де Сен-Фаржо, журналист Марат (издатель популярной газеты «Друг народа») и представитель муниципалитета Шарлье. Все трое погибли в 1793 г. от руки оппозиционеров и были особо почитаемы народом: их бюсты украшали перекрестки и площади, залы собраний и театры, к ним приносили цветы — «гражданские венки», — в их честь устраивались процессии, сочинялись гимны. Именами этих героев Республики нарекались новорожденные.

10 ноября 1793 г. в Соборе Парижской Богоматери состоялся грандиозный праздник Свободы. Роль богини разума исполняла одна из оперных примадонн. Под пение гимнов, в сопровождении кортежа из украшенных цветами колесниц, санкюлотов, детей, членов народных обществ и разных учреждений она приблизилась к подножию сооруженной на площади горы и «освободила» от цепей чернокожего раба. Атрибуты королевской власти и религиозные символы полетели в костер, вокруг которого до зари танцевали и поднимали бокалы за всеобщее братство парижане. После этого праздника Собор переименовали в Храм Разума. Новый «культ» быстро распространялся в провинции; церкви повсюду закрывали.

На этом фоне в первой половине второго года Республики (осень 1793—весна 1794 г.) по стране прокатилась волна антирелигиозных выступлений. В Париже и в сельской местности то тут, то там устраивались шутовские карнавальные шествия. Их участники, вырядившись в священнические одежды, восседая на ослах, свиньях и козлах, увешанных крестами и библиями, с миртами на головах изображали епископов и папу, подвергая жестокому осмеянию церковь и все институты власти. Они разыгрывали пантомимы, пили из потиров, шумели, возили с собой на повозках кропильницы, исповедальни, дароносицы, статуи святых, кресты, гербы своих бывших господ, скульптурные изображения лилии (символ монархии), чучела чужеземных королей и папы римского…

Вся эта причудливая поклажа гибла, в конце концов, в веселом пламени костра. Вокруг него и вокруг «дерева Свободы» танцевали фарандолу и пили вино — «святую воду республиканцев».

Эти праздники разрушения и духовного перерождения не могли не беспокоить политических лидеров страны. Они пытались как-то упорядочить подобные проявления чувств, слишком напоминавшие вакханалии. Чтобы смягчить их откровенно атеистический характер, в 1794 г. был принят закон о введении праздника «Верховного существа» (Бога). Таким образом, провозглашался как бы универсальный культ природы, торжественно объявлялось, что «французский народ признает бессмертие души». Теперь в духе педагогических принципов Руссо и его идеи социальной общности организация праздников передавалась самому народу, который участвовал в них и как зритель, и как актер. (Кстати, этими вопросами до сих пор занимается комитет народного образования Национального собрания.)

Нужно было подчеркнуть разрыв со старым, основанным на неравенстве строем и воспеть новую социальную гармонию и республиканские «добродетели»: любовь к человеку, природе и отечеству, дружбу, справедливость, а также ненависть к монархам и тиранам. Так, праздники, посвященные наиболее памятным моментам революции (например, 14 июля и 10 августа), знаменовали собой разрыв с прошлым и отмечали крупнейшие вехи создания Республики. Что касается праздников, устраивавшихся в конце каждой декады месяца по республиканскому календарю и представлявших собой своего рода республиканские «литургии», прославляющие народы Древнего Рима и Древней Греции, духовным наследником которых был объявлен французский народ, то считалось, что они утверждают новый моральный кодекс: среди них были праздники, посвященные целомудрию, истине, супружеской любви, причем все они непременно сопровождались песнями и гражданскими клятвами примерно одинакового содержания.

Вот одна из них. Ее произносили, вытянув руку по направлению к бюсту Брута (убившего Цезаря, чтобы спасти Римскую республику): «Брут, клянемся следовать твоему примеру, клянемся сохранить Республику единой и неделимой. Долой королей, долой самозванцев! Свобода или смерть!»

Эти праздники включали элементы народных традиций («дерево Свободы», костры), а также символику санкюлотов (фригийский колпак, пика), которые наполнялись политическим и социальным содержанием с неизменным акцентом на единство страны.

Так, первая годовщина народного восстания 10 августа 1792 г., завершившегося свержением монархии, отмечалась в Париже под истинно республиканским лозунгом — «Единство и Неделимость». Стремясь максимально воссоздать атмосферу памятного дня, участники праздничного шествия маршировали с оружием в руках.

В течение нескольких часов процессия следовала по украшенным гирляндами дубовых листьев улицам столицы, время от времени делая остановки: первую — у фонтана Возрождения на том месте, где стояла Бастилия; затем у триумфальной арки, воздвигнутой в честь парижанок — участниц событий 5—6 октября 1789 г., изображенных увенчанными лавровыми венками в окружении пушек. Третья остановка — на площади Революции (ныне площадь Согласия). Здесь манифестанты выпустили в небо тысячи птиц и побросали символы монархии и феодального строя в пламя огромного костра, разожженного перед изображением Свободы во фригийском колпаке с пикой в руке. Следующая остановка — перед Домом инвалидов, где была установлена огромная скульптура с дубиной и фасцией, символизирующая французский народ, раздавивший гидру аристократии. И наконец, последняя, пятая остановка — на Марсовом поле, где перед алтарем отечеству 200 тыс. парижан произнесли клятву: «Свобода, Равенство, Братство или смерть!» Праздник завершился дружеским пикником и прославлением победы революционных армий над коалицией тиранов.

Автор: Лоранс Кудар.

P. S. Старинные летописи рассказывают: Впрочем, некоторые люди и в наше время отмечают годовщину великой французской революции, порой это даже повод для каких-нибудь подарков, таких как скажем, штоф в СПб – наборы для различных алкогольных напитков.

Символизм во Французской революции был средством выделить и прославить (или очернить) основные черты Французской революции .и обеспечить общественную идентификацию и поддержку. Чтобы эффективно проиллюстрировать различия между новой республикой и старым режимом, лидерам необходимо было внедрить новый набор символов, которые следует отмечать вместо старой религиозной и монархической символики. С этой целью символы были заимствованы из исторических культур и переопределены, а символы старого режима либо уничтожены, либо переприписаны приемлемым характеристикам. Были введены новые символы и стили, чтобы отделить новую республиканскую страну от монархии прошлого. Эти новые и пересмотренные символы использовались, чтобы привить публике новое чувство традиции и благоговения перед Просвещением и Республикой. ^[1]

Фасции

Фасции , как и многие другие символы Французской революции, имеют римское происхождение. Фасции представляют собой пучок березовых прутьев с жертвенным топором. В римские времена фасции символизировали власть магистратов, представляя союз и согласие с Римской республикой. Французская Республика продолжала использовать этот римский символ для обозначения государственной власти, справедливости и единства. ^[2]

Во время революции изображение фасции часто использовалось в сочетании со многими другими символами. Хотя его видели на протяжении всей Французской революции, возможно, наиболее известным французским воплощением фасций является фасция, увенчанная фригийской шапкой. В этом образе нет ни топора, ни сильного центрального государства; скорее, он символизирует власть освобожденных людей, помещая Кепку Свободы поверх классического символа власти. ^[2]

Трехцветная кокарда

Кокарды широко носили революционеры, начиная с 1789 года. Теперь они прикололи сине-красную кокарду Парижа к белой кокарде Ancien Régime , таким образом получив оригинальную кокарду Франции . Позже отличительные цвета и стили кокарды указывали на фракцию владельца, хотя значения различных стилей не были полностью одинаковыми и несколько различались в зависимости от региона и периода.

Трехцветный флаг происходит от кокарды, использовавшейся в 1790-х годах. Это были круглые розеткообразные эмблемы, прикрепленные к шляпе. Камиль Демулен попросил своих последователей носить зеленые кокарды 12 июля 1789 года. Парижское ополчение, сформированное 13 июля, приняло сине-красную кокарду. Синий и красный — традиционные цвета Парижа, и они используются на гербе города. Кокарды различной расцветки применялись при штурме Бастилии 14 июля. ^[3] Сине-красная кокарда была вручена королю Людовику XVI в Hôtel de Ville 17 июля. Лафайет выступал за добавление белой полосы, чтобы «национализировать» дизайн. ^[4]27 июля трехцветная кокарда была принята как часть униформы Национальной гвардии , национальной полиции, пришедшей на смену ополчению. ^[5]

Общество женщин-революционеров-республиканцев , крайне левая воинствующая группа, потребовала в 1793 году принятия закона, обязывающего всех женщин носить трехцветную кокарду, чтобы продемонстрировать свою лояльность Республике. Закон был принят, но против него выступили другие группы женщин. ^{Якобинцы, возглавлявшие правительство, решили, что женщинам нет места в государственных делах, и в октябре 1793 г. распустили} все женские организации.

Кепка свободы

В революционной Франции кепка или красная шляпа были впервые замечены публично в мае 1790 года на фестивале в Труа , украшающем статую, представляющую нацию, и в Лионе на копье, которое несет богиня Либертас . ^[7] По сей день национальная эмблема Франции, Марианна , изображена во фригийском колпаке. ^[8] Шапки часто вязали женщины, известные как Tricoteuse , которые сидели рядом с гильотиной во время публичных казней в Париже во время Французской революции, предположительно продолжая вязать между казнями.

Шапка Liberty, также известная как фригийская кепка или пилеус , представляет собой войлочную кепку без полей конической формы с выдвинутым вперед кончиком. Шапку изначально носили древние римляне, греки, иллирийцы ^[9] и до сих пор носят в Албании и Косово . Шапка подразумевает облагораживающий эффект, как видно из ее ассоциации с гомеровским Улиссом и мифическими близнецами Кастором и Поллуксом . Популярность эмблемы во время Французской революции отчасти объясняется ее важностью в Древнем Риме: ее использование намекает на римский ритуал освобождения рабов, в котором освобожденный раб получает шляпу как символ своей вновь обретенной свободы. Римская трибунаЛуций Апулей Сатурнин подстрекал рабов к восстанию, показывая пилеус, как если бы это был штандарт. ^[10]

Шляпка пилеуса часто красного цвета. Этот тип кепки носили революционеры при падении Бастилии. Согласно Revolutions de Paris, он стал «символом освобождения от всех рабств, знаком объединения всех врагов деспотизма». ^[11] Пилеус конкурировал с фригийской шапкой, аналогичной шапкой, закрывавшей уши и затылок, за популярность. Фригийская шапка со временем вытеснила пилеус и узурпировала его символику, став синонимом республиканской свободы.

Одежда

По мере того, как радикалы и якобинцы становились все более могущественными, возникло отвращение к высокой моде из-за ее экстравагантности и связи с королевской властью и аристократией. На смену ему пришла своего рода «антимода» для мужчин и женщин, подчеркивающая простоту и скромность. Мужчины были одеты в простую темную одежду и с короткими ненапудренными волосами. Во время террора 1794 повседневная одежда санкюлотов символизировала эгалитаризм якобинцев. Sans-culotte буквально переводится как «бриджи без колен», согласно Британской энциклопедии , имея в виду длинные брюки, которые носили революционеры, которые использовали свою одежду, чтобы дистанцироваться от французской аристократии и аристократии в целом, которые традиционно носили брюки-кюлоты. , или шелковые бриджи до колен. ^[13]Такие длинные штаны были символом рабочего человека. Высокая мода и экстравагантность вернулись при Директории 1795–1799 годов с ее «директорским» стилем ; мужчины не вернулись к экстравагантным обычаям. ^[14] Еще одним символом французской аристократии был высокий каблук. До Французской революции высокие каблуки были одним из основных элементов мужской моды, их носили те, кто мог себе их позволить, чтобы обозначить высокое социальное положение. Людовик XIV популяризировал и регламентировал ношение высоких каблуков при своем дворе. Сам король, как и многие представители знати при его дворе, носил красные туфли на высоких каблуках, причем красный цвет использовался, чтобы «… продемонстрировать, что дворяне не пачкают свою обувь …» ^{[15] [ нужна страница ]} согласно Филип Мансел, специалист по судебной истории. Однако во время революции эти стили вышли из моды для мужчин, поскольку монархия становилась все более непопулярна, а ассоциации с монархией становились все более опасными. Такая мода также стала символом легкомыслия, что сделало ее непопулярным среди среднего французского человека.

Дерево Свободы

Дерево Свободы , официально принятое в 1792 году, является символом вечной Республики, национальной свободы и политической революции. ^[11] Он имеет исторические корни в революционной Франции, а также в Америке, как символ, который разделяли две зарождающиеся республики. ^[16] Дерево было выбрано в качестве символа Французской революции, потому что оно символизирует плодородие во французском фольклоре, ^[17] что обеспечивало простой переход от почитания его по одной причине к другой. Американские колонии также использовали идею Дерева Свободы, чтобы отпраздновать свои собственные восстания против британцев, начиная с бунта против Закона о гербовых марках в 1765 году ^.

Кульминацией беспорядков стало повешение чучел двух политиков, действовавших в соответствии с Законом о гербовых марках, на большом вязе. Вяз стал прославляться как символ свободы в американских колониях. ^[19] Он был принят как символ, который должен был жить и расти вместе с Республикой. С этой целью дерево изображается в виде саженца, обычно дуба во французской интерпретации. Дерево Свободы служит постоянным праздником духа политической свободы.

Слон Бастилии

Падение Бастилии 14 июля 1789 года стало важным моментом для французского народа. Выдающийся символ монархического правления, Бастилия изначально служила политической тюрьмой. Однако со временем Бастилия превратилась из тюрьмы в помещение, в котором в основном хранилось оружие, хотя символика осталась, и здание стало синонимом французской монархии и тиранического правления. ^{[20] [21]} Падение памятника привело к бегству нескольких дворян из Франции и жестоким нападениям на богатых. ^[22] Слон Бастилии был возведен в ознаменование падения Бастилии , спроектированной Наполеоном как символ его собственных побед, которую он построил из орудий своих врагов вБитва при Фридланде . ^[23] Слон был снесен в 1846 году и заменен Июльской колонной , которая сейчас стоит в Париже на первоначальном основании слона. Эта колонна была создана во времена правления короля Луи-Филиппа I в честь июльской революции 1830 года и установления Июльской монархии .

Геркулес

Символ Геркулеса был впервые принят Старым режимом для обозначения монархии. ^[24] Геракл был древнегреческим героем, который символизировал силу и могущество. Символ использовался для представления суверенной власти короля над Францией во время правления монархов Бурбонов . ^[25] Однако монархия была не единственной правящей силой во французской истории, которая использовала символ Геркулеса для объявления своей власти.

Во время революции символ Геркулеса был возрожден, чтобы представлять зарождающиеся революционные идеалы. Первое использование Геркулеса в качестве революционного символа было во время фестиваля, посвященного победе Национального собрания над федерализмом 10 августа 1793 года. ^[26] «Федерализм» был движением, направленным на ослабление центрального правительства. ^[27] Этот фестиваль единства состоял из четырех станций вокруг Парижа, на которых были представлены символы, представляющие основные события революции, которые воплощали революционные идеалы свободы, единства и власти. ^[28]

Статуя Геракла, установленная на вокзале в память о падении Людовика XVI , символизировала власть французского народа над своими бывшими угнетателями. Нога статуи была поставлена ​​на горло Гидры , которая олицетворяла тиранию федерализма , побежденную новой республикой . В одной руке статуя сжимала дубинку, символ власти, а в другой — фасции, символизирующие единство французского народа. Образ Геракла помог новой республике установить свою новую республиканскую моральную систему. Таким образом, Геракл превратился из символа суверенитета монарха в символ новой суверенной власти во Франции: французского народа. ^[29]

Этот переход был осуществлен легко по двум причинам. Во-первых, поскольку Геракл был известным мифологическим персонажем и ранее использовался монархией, его легко узнавали образованные французские наблюдатели. Революционному правительству не нужно было воспитывать французский народ на фоне символа. Кроме того, Геракл напомнил классическую эпоху греков и римлян, период, который революционеры отождествляли с республиканскими и демократическими идеалами. Эти коннотации сделали Геркулеса легким выбором для представления могущественного нового суверенного народа Франции. ^[25]

Во время более радикальной фазы революции с 1793 по 1794 год использование и изображение Геракла изменилось. Эти изменения символа были связаны с тем, что революционные лидеры считали, что символ подстрекает к насилию среди простых граждан. Триумфальные сражения Геракла и преодоление врагов Республики стали менее заметными. В дискуссиях о том, какой символ использовать для печати Республики, рассматривался образ Геракла, но в конечном итоге он был исключен в пользу Марианны . ^[30]

Геркулес был на монете Республики. Однако этот Геракл не был тем же самым образом, что и дотеррорные этапы Революции. Новый образ Геракла был более прирученным. Он казался более отеческим, старше и мудрее, чем образы воина на ранних этапах Французской революции. В отличие от его 24-футовой статуи на Фестивале Верховного Существа, теперь он был того же размера, что и Свобода и Равенство. ^[30]

Также язык на монете с Гераклом сильно отличался от риторики дореволюционных изображений. На монетах были использованы слова «объединение свободы и равенства». Это противоречит резкому языку ранней революционной риторики и риторике монархии Бурбонов. К 1798 году Совет Древних обсудил «неизбежное» изменение проблемного образа Геракла, и в конечном итоге Геракл был заменен на еще более послушный образ. ^[30]

Марсельеза

«Марсельеза» ( французское произношение: ​[ la maʁsɛjɛːz] ) стала национальным гимном Франции. Песня была написана и сочинена в 1792 году Клодом Жозефом Руже де Лилем и первоначально называлась « Chant de guerre pour l’Armée du Rhin ». Французское национальное собрание приняло его в качестве гимна Первой республики в 1795 году. Свое прозвище он получил после того, как его спели в Париже добровольцы из Марселя , маршировавшие на столицу.

Песня является первым примером гимнического стиля «Европейский марш». Вызывающая воспоминания мелодия и текст гимна привели к его широкому использованию в качестве песни революции и включению во многие произведения классической и популярной музыки. Серуло говорит, что «замысел «Марсельезы» приписывают французскому генералу Страсбургу, который, как говорят, поручил де Лилю, составителю гимна, «сочинить один из тех гимнов, который доносит до души народа энтузиазм, который она (музыка) предлагает »» ^{[31] .}

Гильотина

Хэнсон отмечает: «Гильотина является главным символом террора во время Французской революции». ^[32] Изобретенная врачом во время революции как более быстрая, более эффективная и более характерная форма казни, гильотина стала частью массовой культуры и исторической памяти. Левые прославляли его как народного мстителя, а правые проклинали как символ Царства Террора . ^[33] Его деятельность стала популярным развлечением, которое привлекало большие толпы зрителей. Продавцы продавали программы с именами тех, кто должен был умереть. Многие люди приходили день за днем ​​и соперничали за лучшие места, откуда можно было наблюдать за происходящим; вязание женское ( трикотаж) сформировали кадры хардкорных завсегдатаев, разжигающих толпу. Родители часто приводили своих детей. К концу Террора толпы резко поредели. Повторение притупило даже это самое ужасное из развлечений, и зрителям стало скучно. ^[34]

То, что пугает людей, со временем меняется. Дойл комментирует:

Даже уникальный ужас гильотины затмевается газовыми камерами Холокоста, организованной жестокостью ГУЛАГа, массовым запугиванием культурной революции Мао или камбоджийскими полями смерти. ^[35]

Вулкан

На риторику насилия во время Французской революции сильно повлияла тенденция обращаться к явлениям мира природы для описания и объяснения изменений в обществе. В мире быстрых политических и культурных изменений выдающиеся деятели революции активно использовали определенные языковые средства для создания политического языка, находящего отклик у публики. Многие из них также были знакомы с развивающимися научными областями естествознания либо благодаря развитому интересу, либо стремлению сделать карьеру в области естественных наук. Следовательно, природные образы стали средством как «воображения, так и объяснения революции». ^[36]

Таким образом, метафора вулкана расцвела в революционном воображении. Первоначально вулкан символизировал «необузданную силу и разрушение, но разрушение, которое могло работать и против Франции, и для нее». ^[37] Однако по мере развития революции менялся и образ вулкана, и его значение для развития человечества. Из источника потенциальных разрушений и катастроф вулкан позже стал символом «конструктивной революционной трансформации» во время правления террора.. Когда политическая ситуация снова изменилась, образ вулкана в конечном итоге вернулся к своему статусу силы безжалостной силы. Меняющиеся символические значения вулкана сами по себе представляют революцию как источник непредсказуемого и неизбежного разрушения, неподвластного человеческому контролю. ^[38]

Однако на фоне враждебности французов, их растущего политического недовольства и беспокойства даже метафора раскаленного вулкана меркнет. Даже метафоры, взятые из яростного великолепия природы, не могли описать свирепость нации и ее презираемых людей. Эта метафорическая трансформация отражена в жанрах всего литературного спектра, включая рождение и растущую популярность романа как формы выражения. ^[39] 

Эти яркие сравнения между социальной трансформацией и природной катастрофой не были редкостью. За двадцать лет до Ассамблеи знати 1787 года политический философ Жан Жак Руссо подчеркивал сейсмическую активность, такую ​​как вулканические толчки, взрывы и пирокластические выбросы, как ключевую силу, стоящую за распространением ранней человеческой цивилизации. Согласно его Второй беседе, стихийные бедствия не только сблизили сообщества, укрепив их узы сотрудничества, но и позволили таким сообществам стать свидетелями силы горения как важнейшего ресурса для возможного производства рабочих инструментов. ^[40]Оптимистическое видение Руссо натурализованных изменений, потрясений как порождающей и прогрессивной стадии жизненного цикла управления находит отклик, но не разделяется британской радикальной прессой. Когда изображение вулкана стало кодифицированным как французский штамп, революционная угроза неясна, однако многочисленные цитаты можно проследить в рекламных листовках, выпущенных в период с 1788 по 1830 год. Французской революции» и сожалеет о том дне, когда «наша (британская) власть (будет) парализована такими стихийными бедствиями». ^[41]

Примечания

Дальнейшее чтение

• Кейдж, Э. Клэр. «Портняжное Я: неоклассическая мода и гендерная идентичность во Франции, 1797–1804». Исследования восемнадцатого века 42.2 (2009): 193–215.
• Курильница, Джек; Линн Хант (2001). Свобода, равенство, братство: изучение Французской революции . Пенсильвания: Издательство Пенсильванского государственного университета.; функция компакт-диска «Как читать изображения»
• Купер, Уильям Дж. и Джон Маккарделл. «Шапки свободы и деревья свободы». Прошлое и настоящее 146 № 1 (1995): 66–102. в JSTOR
• Германи, Ян. «Постановочные сражения: представления о войне в театре и на фестивалях Французской революции». Европейский обзор истории — Européenne d’Histoire (2006) 13 № 2 стр: 203–227.
• Гермер, Стефан. «Сферы в посттермидорной Франции». Художественный бюллетень 74.1 (1992): 19–36. онлайн
• Харрис, Дженнифер. «Красная шапка свободы: исследование одежды, которую носили французские революционные партизаны 1789-94». Исследования восемнадцатого века (1981): 283–312. в JSTOR
• Хендерсон, Эрнест Ф. Символ и сатира во Французской революции (1912 г.), со 171 иллюстрацией онлайн бесплатно .
• Хант, Линн. «Геркулес и радикальный образ во Французской революции», « Представления » (1983), № 2, стр. 95–117 в JSTOR .
• Хант, Линн. «Священное и Французская революция». Дюркгеймовская социология: культурология (1988): 25–43.
• Коршак, Ивонн. «Шапка Свободы как революционный символ в Америке и Франции». Смитсоновские исследования американского искусства (1987): 53–69.
• Ландес, Джоан Б. Визуализация нации: гендер, представительство и революция во Франции восемнадцатого века (2003)
• Озуф, Мона. Фестивали и Французская революция (издательство Гарвардского университета, 1991)
• Райхардт, Рольф и Хубертус Коле. Визуализация революции: политика и изобразительное искусство во Франции конца восемнадцатого века (Reaktion Books, 2008); охватывающий все искусства и включая элитарные, религиозные и народные традиции; 187 иллюстраций, 46 цветных.
• Робертс, Уоррен. Жак-Луи Давид и Жан-Луи Приер, художники-революционеры: общественность, народные массы и образы Французской революции (SUNY Press, 2000)
• Ригли, Ричард. Политика внешности: представления об одежде в революционной Франции (Берг, 2002 г.)

For other uses, see French Revolution (disambiguation).

The French Revolution (French) was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France from 1789 to 1799 that had a fundamental impact on French history and on modern history worldwide.

Experiencing an economic crisis exacerbated by the Seven Years’ War and the American Revolutionary War, the common people of France became increasingly frustrated by the ineptitude of King Louis XVI and the continued decadence of the aristocracy. This resentment, coupled with burgeoning Enlightenment ideals, fueled radical sentiments and launched the Revolution in 1789 with the convocation of the Estates-General in May. The first year of the Revolution saw members of the Third Estate proclaiming the Tennis Court Oath in June, the assault on the Bastille in July, the passage of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in August, and an epic march on Versailles that forced the royal court back to Paris in October. The next few years were dominated by struggles between various liberal assemblies and right-wing supporters of the monarchy intent on thwarting major reforms. A republic was proclaimed in September 1792 and King Louis XVI was executed the next year.

External threats shaped the course of the Revolution profoundly. The Revolutionary Wars began in 1792 and ultimately featured spectacular French victories that facilitated the conquest of the Italian Peninsula, the Low Countries and most territories west of the Rhine – achievements that had eluded previous French governments for centuries. Internally, popular agitation radicalized the Revolution significantly, culminating in the rise of Maximilien Robespierre and the Jacobins. The dictatorship imposed by the Committee of Public Safety during the Reign of Terror, from 1793 until 1794, caused up to 40,000 deaths inside France,^[1] abolished slavery in the colonies, and secured the borders of the new republic from its enemies. The bloody rule of the Jacobins sparked an internal backlash and ultimately sent Robespierre to the guillotine. After the fall of the Jacobins, the Directory assumed control of the French state in 1795 and held power until 1799. In that year, which marks the traditional conclusion of the Revolution, Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the Directory in the Brumaire coup and established the Consulate. The primary successor state of the Revolution, the First Empire under Napoleon, emerged in 1804 and spread the new revolutionary principles all over Europe during the Napoleonic Wars. The First Empire finally collapsed in 1815 when the forces of reaction succeeded in restoring the Bourbons, albeit under a constitutional monarchy.

The modern era has unfolded in the shadow of the French Revolution. French society itself underwent an epic transformation as feudal, aristocratic, and religious privileges evaporated under a sustained assault from various left-wing political groups, the masses on the streets, and peasants in the countryside.^[2] Old ideas about tradition and hierarchy regarding monarchs, aristocrats, and the Catholic Church were abruptly overthrown under the mantra of «Liberté, égalité, fraternité.» Globally, the Revolution accelerated the rise of republics and democracies, the spread of liberalism and secularism, the development of modern ideologies, and the adoption of total war.^[3] Some of its central documents, like the Declaration of the Rights of Man, expanded the arena of human rights to include women and slaves.^[4] The fallout from the Revolution had permanent consequences for human history: the Latin American independence wars, the Louisiana Purchase by the United States, and the Revolutions of 1848 are just a few of the numerous events that ultimately depended upon the eruption of 1789.

Causes

Adherents of most historical models identify many of the same features of the Ancien Régime as being among the causes of the Revolution. Historians at one time emphasized class conflicts from a Marxist perspective; that interpretation fell out of favour in the late 19th century. The economy was not healthy; poor harvests, rising food prices, and an inadequate transportation system made food even more expensive. The sequence of events leading to the revolution involved the national government’s virtual bankruptcy due to its poor tax system and the mounting debts caused by numerous large wars. The attempt to challenge British naval and commercial power in the Seven Years’ War was a costly disaster, with the loss of France’s colonial possessions in continental North America and the destruction of the French Navy. French forces were rebuilt and performed more successfully in the American Revolutionary War, but only at massive additional cost, and with no real gains for France except the knowledge that Britain had been humbled. France’s inefficient and antiquated financial system was unable to finance this debt. Faced with a financial crisis, the king called an Assembly of Notables in 1787 for the first time in over a century.

Meanwhile, the royal court at Versailles was isolated from, and indifferent to the escalating crisis. While in theory King Louis XVI was an absolute monarch, in practice he was often indecisive and known to back down when faced with strong opposition. While he did reduce government expenditures, opponents in the parlements successfully thwarted his attempts at enacting much needed reforms. Those who were opposed to Louis’ policies further undermined royal authority by distributing pamphlets (often reporting false or exaggerated information) that criticized the government and its officials, stirring up public opinion against the monarchy.^[5]

Many other factors involved resentments and aspirations given focus by the rise of Enlightenment ideals. These included resentment of royal absolutism; resentment by peasants, laborers and the bourgeoisie toward the traditional seigneurial privileges possessed by the nobility; resentment of the Catholic Church’s influence over public policy and institutions; aspirations for freedom of religion; resentment of aristocratic bishops by the poorer rural clergy; aspirations for social, political and economic equality, and (especially as the Revolution progressed) republicanism; hatred of Queen Marie-Antoinette, who was falsely accused of being a spendthrift and an Austrian spy; and anger toward the King for firing finance minister Jacques Necker, among others, who were popularly seen as representatives of the people.^[6]

Financial crisis

Louis XVI ascended to the throne amidst a financial crisis; the state was nearing bankruptcy and outlays outpaced income.^[7] This was because of France’s financial obligations stemming from involvement in the Seven Years’ War and its participation in the American Revolutionary War.^[8] In May 1776, finance minister Turgot was dismissed, after he failed to enact reforms. The next year, Jacques Necker, a foreigner, was appointed Comptroller-General of Finance. He could not be made an official minister because he was a Protestant.^[9]

Necker realized that the country’s extremely regressive tax system subjected the lower classes to a heavy burden,^[9] while numerous exemptions existed for the nobility and clergy.^[10] He argued that the country could not be taxed higher; that tax exemptions for the nobility and clergy must be reduced; and proposed that borrowing more money would solve the country’s fiscal shortages. Necker published a report to support this claim that underestimated the deficit by roughly 36 million livres, and proposed restricting the power of the parlements.^[9]

This was not received well by the King’s ministers, and Necker, hoping to bolster his position, argued to be made a minister. The King refused, Necker was fired, and Charles Alexandre de Calonne was appointed to the Comptrollership.^[9] Calonne initially spent liberally, but he quickly realized the critical financial situation and proposed a new tax code.^[11]

The proposal included a consistent land tax, which would include taxation of the nobility and clergy. Faced with opposition from the parlements, Calonne organised the summoning of the Assembly of Notables. But the Assembly failed to endorse Calonne’s proposals and instead weakened his position through its criticism. In response, the King announced the calling of the Estates-General for May 1789, the first time the body had been summoned since 1614. This was a signal that the Bourbon monarchy was in a weakened state and subject to the demands of its people.^[12]

Estates-General of 1789

Main article: Estates-General of 1789

The Estates-General was organized into three estates: the clergy, the nobility, and the rest of France.^[13] On the last occasion that the Estates-General had met, in 1614, each estate held one vote, and any two could override the third. The Parlement of Paris feared the government would attempt to gerrymander an assembly to rig the results. Thus, they required that the Estates be arranged as in 1614.^[14]
The 1614 rules differed from practices of local assemblies, where each member had one vote and third estate membership was doubled. For example, in the Dauphiné the provincial assembly agreed to double the number of members of the third estate, hold membership elections, and allow one vote per member, rather than one vote per estate.^[15]

Prior to the assembly taking place, the «Committee of Thirty,» a body of liberal Parisians, began to agitate against voting by estate. This group, largely composed of the wealthy, argued for the Estates-General to assume the voting mechanisms of Dauphiné. They argued that ancient precedent was not sufficient, because «the people were sovereign.»^[16] Necker convened a Second Assembly of Notables, which rejected the notion of double representation by a vote of 111 to 333.^[16] The King, however, agreed to the proposition on 27 December; but he left discussion of the weight of each vote to the Estates-General itself.^[17]

Elections were held in the spring of 1789; suffrage requirements for the Third Estate were for French-born or naturalised males only, at least 25 years of age, who resided where the vote was to take place and who paid taxes.

Pour être électeur du tiers état, il faut avoir 25 ans, être français ou naturalisé, être domicilié au lieu de vote et compris au rôle des impositions.^[18]

Strong turnout produced 1,201 delegates, including: «291 nobles, 300 clergy, and 610 members of the Third Estate.»^[17] To lead delegates, «Books of grievances» (cahiers de doléances) were compiled to list problems.^[13] The books articulated ideas which would have seemed radical only months before; however, most supported the monarchical system in general. Many assumed the Estates-General would approve future taxes, and Enlightenment ideals were relatively rare.^[14][19]

Pamphlets by liberal nobles and clergy became widespread after the lifting of press censorship.^[16] The Abbé Sieyès, a theorist and Catholic clergyman, argued the paramount importance of the Third Estate in the pamphlet Qu’est-ce que le tiers état? («What is the Third Estate?«), published in January 1789. He asserted: «What is the Third Estate? Everything. What has it been until now in the political order? Nothing. What does it want to be? Something.»^[14][20]

The Estates-General convened in the Grands Salles des Menus-Plaisirs in Versailles on 5 May 1789 and opened with a three-hour speech by Necker. The Third Estate demanded that the verification of deputies’ credentials should be undertaken in common by all deputies, rather than each estate verifying the credentials of its own members internally; negotiations with the other estates failed to achieve this.^[19] The commoners appealed to the clergy who replied they required more time. Necker asserted that each estate verify credentials and «the king was to act as arbitrator.»^[21] Negotiations with the other two estates to achieve this, however, were unsuccessful.^[22]

National Assembly (1789)

Main article: National Assembly (French Revolution)

On 10 June 1789, Abbé Sieyès moved that the Third Estate, now meeting as the Communes (English: «Commons»), proceed with verification of its own powers and invite the other two estates to take part, but not to wait for them. They proceeded to do so two days later, completing the process on 17 June.^[23] Then they voted a measure far more radical, declaring themselves the National Assembly, an assembly not of the Estates but of «the People.» They invited the other orders to join them, but made it clear they intended to conduct the nation’s affairs with or without them.^[24]

In an attempt to keep control of the process and prevent the Assembly from convening, Louis XVI ordered the closure of the Salle des États where the Assembly met, making an excuse that the carpenters needed to prepare the hall for a royal speech in two days. Weather did not allow an outdoor meeting, so the Assembly moved their deliberations to a nearby indoor real tennis court, where they proceeded to swear the Tennis Court Oath (20 June 1789), under which they agreed not to separate until they had given France a constitution.^[25]

A majority of the representatives of the clergy soon joined them, as did 47 members of the nobility. By 27 June, the royal party had overtly given in, although the military began to arrive in large numbers around Paris and Versailles. Messages of support for the Assembly poured in from Paris and other French cities.^[25]

National Constituent Assembly (1789–1791)

Main article: National Constituent Assembly

Storming of the Bastille

By this time, Necker had earned the enmity of many members of the French court for his overt manipulation of public opinion. Marie Antoinette, the King’s younger brother the Comte d’Artois, and other conservative members of the King’s privy council urged him to dismiss Necker as financial advisor. On 11 July 1789, after Necker published an inaccurate account of the government’s debts and made it available to the public, the King fired him, and completely restructured the finance ministry at the same time.^[26]

Many Parisians presumed Louis’s actions to be aimed against the Assembly and began open rebellion when they heard the news the next day. They were also afraid that arriving soldiers – mostly foreign mercenaries – had been summoned to shut down the National Constituent Assembly. The Assembly, meeting at Versailles, went into nonstop session to prevent another eviction from their meeting place. Paris was soon consumed by riots, chaos, and widespread looting. The mobs soon had the support of some of the French Guard, who were armed and trained soldiers.^[27]

On 14 July, the insurgents set their eyes on the large weapons and ammunition cache inside the Bastille fortress, which was also perceived to be a symbol of royal power. After several hours of combat, the prison fell that afternoon. Despite ordering a cease fire, which prevented a mutual massacre, Governor Marquis Bernard de Launay was beaten, stabbed and decapitated; his head was placed on a pike and paraded about the city. Although the fortress had held only seven prisoners (four forgers, two noblemen kept for immoral behavior, and a murder suspect), the Bastille served as a potent symbol of everything hated under the Ancien Régime. Returning to the Hôtel de Ville (city hall), the mob accused the prévôt des marchands (roughly, mayor) Jacques de Flesselles of treachery and butchered him.^[28]

The King, alarmed by the violence, backed down, at least for the time being. The Marquis de la Fayette took up command of the National Guard at Paris. Jean-Sylvain Bailly, president of the Assembly at the time of the Tennis Court Oath, became the city’s mayor under a new governmental structure known as the commune. The King visited Paris, where, on 17 July he accepted a tricolore cockade, to cries of Vive la Nation («Long live the Nation») and Vive le Roi («Long live the King»).^[29]

Necker was recalled to power, but his triumph was short-lived. An astute financier but a less astute politician, Necker overplayed his hand by demanding and obtaining a general amnesty, losing much of the people’s favour.

As civil authority rapidly deteriorated, with random acts of violence and theft breaking out across the country, members of the nobility, fearing for their safety, fled to neighboring countries; many of these émigrés, as they were called, funded counter-revolutionary causes within France and urged foreign monarchs to offer military support to a counter-revolution.^[30]

By late July, the spirit of popular sovereignty had spread throughout France. In rural areas, many commoners began to form militias and arm themselves against a foreign invasion: some attacked the châteaux of the nobility as part of a general agrarian insurrection known as «la Grande Peur» («the Great Fear«). In addition, wild rumours and paranoia caused widespread unrest and civil disturbances that contributed to the collapse of law and order.^[31]

Working toward a constitution

Main article: French Revolution from the abolition of feudalism to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy

On 4 August 1789, the National Constituent Assembly abolished feudalism (although at that point there had been sufficient peasant revolts to almost end feudalism already), in what is known as the August Decrees, sweeping away both the seigneurial rights of the Second Estate and the tithes gathered by the First Estate. In the course of a few hours, nobles, clergy, towns, provinces, companies and cities lost their special privileges.

On 26 August 1789, the Assembly published the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which comprised a statement of principles rather than a constitution with legal effect. The National Constituent Assembly functioned not only as a legislature, but also as a body to draft a new constitution.

Necker, Mounier, Lally-Tollendal and others argued unsuccessfully for a senate, with members appointed by the crown on the nomination of the people. The bulk of the nobles argued for an aristocratic upper house elected by the nobles. The popular party carried the day: France would have a single, unicameral assembly. The King retained only a «suspensive veto«; he could delay the implementation of a law, but not block it absolutely. The Assembly eventually replaced the historic provinces with 83 départements, uniformly administered and roughly equal in area and population.

Amid the Assembly’s preoccupation with constitutional affairs, the financial crisis had continued largely unaddressed, and the deficit had only increased. Honoré Mirabeau now led the move to address this matter, and the Assembly gave Necker complete financial dictatorship.

Women’s March on Versailles

Main article: The Women’s March on Versailles

Fueled by rumors of a reception for the King’s bodyguards on 1 October 1789 at which the national cockade had been trampled upon, on 5 October 1789 crowds of women began to assemble at Parisian markets. The women first marched to the Hôtel de Ville, demanding that city officials address their concerns.^[32] The women were responding to the harsh economic situations they faced, especially bread shortages. They also demanded an end to royal efforts to block the National Assembly, and for the King and his administration to move to Paris as a sign of good faith in addressing the widespread poverty.

Getting unsatisfactory responses from city officials, as many as 7,000 women joined the march to Versailles, bringing with them cannons and a variety of smaller weapons. Twenty thousand National Guardsmen under the command of La Fayette responded to keep order, and members of the mob stormed the palace, killing several guards.^[33] La Fayette ultimately persuaded the king to accede to the demand of the crowd that the monarchy relocate to Paris.

On 6 October 1789, the King and the royal family moved from Versailles to Paris under the «protection» of the National Guards, thus legitimizing the National Assembly.

Revolution and the Church

Main articles: Dechristianisation of France during the French Revolution and Civil Constitution of the Clergy

The Revolution caused a massive shift of power from the Roman Catholic Church to the state. Under the Ancien Régime, the Church had been the largest single landowner in the country, owning about 10% of the land in the kingdom.^[34] The Church was exempt from paying taxes to the government, while it levied a tithe—a 10% tax on income, often collected in the form of crops—on the general population, only a fraction of which it then redistributed to the poor.^[34] The power and wealth of the Church was highly resented by some groups. A small minority of Protestants living in France, such as the Huguenots, wanted an anti-Catholic regime and revenge against the clergy who discriminated against them. Enlightenment thinkers such as Voltaire helped fuel this resentment by denigrating the Catholic Church and destabilizing the French monarchy.^[35] As historian John McManners argues, «In eighteenth-century France throne and altar were commonly spoken of as in close alliance; their simultaneous collapse … would one day provide the final proof of their interdependence.»^[36]

This resentment toward the Church weakened its power during the opening of the Estates General in May 1789. The Church composed the First Estate with 130,000 members of the clergy. When the National Assembly was later created in June 1789 by the Third Estate, the clergy voted to join them, which perpetuated the destruction of the Estates General as a governing body.^[37] The National Assembly began to enact social and economic reform. Legislation sanctioned on 4 August 1789 abolished the Church’s authority to impose the tithe. In an attempt to address the financial crisis, the Assembly declared, on 2 November 1789, that the property of the Church was «at the disposal of the nation.»^[38] They used this property to back a new currency, the assignats. Thus, the nation had now also taken on the responsibility of the Church, which included paying the clergy and caring for the poor, the sick and the orphaned.^[39] In December, the Assembly began to sell the lands to the highest bidder to raise revenue, effectively decreasing the value of the assignats by 25% in two years.^[40] In autumn 1789, legislation abolished monastic vows and on 13 February 1790 all religious orders were dissolved.^[41] Monks and nuns were encouraged to return to private life and a small percentage did eventually marry.^[42]

The Civil Constitution of the Clergy, passed on 12 July 1790, turned the remaining clergy into employees of the state. This established an election system for parish priests and bishops and set a pay rate for the clergy. Many Catholics objected to the election system because it effectively denied the authority of the Pope in Rome over the French Church. Eventually, in November 1790, the National Assembly began to require an oath of loyalty to the Civil Constitution from all the members of the clergy.^[42] This led to a schism between those clergy who swore the required oath and accepted the new arrangement and those who remained loyal to the Pope. Overall, 24% of the clergy nationwide took the oath.^[43] Widespread refusal led to legislation against the clergy, «forcing them into exile, deporting them forcibly, or executing them as traitors.»^[40] Pope Pius VI never accepted the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, further isolating the Church in France.

During the Reign of Terror, extreme efforts of de-Christianization ensued, including the imprisonment and massacre of priests and destruction of churches and religious images throughout France. An effort was made to replace the Catholic Church altogether, with civic festivals replacing religious ones. The establishment of the Cult of Reason was the final step of radical de-Christianization. These events led to a widespread disillusionment with the Revolution and to counter-rebellions across France. Locals often resisted de-Christianization by attacking revolutionary agents and hiding members of the clergy who were being hunted. Eventually, Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety were forced to denounce the campaign,^[44] replacing the Cult of Reason with the deist but still non-Christian Cult of the Supreme Being. The Concordat of 1801 between Napoleon and the Church ended the de-Christianization period and established the rules for a relationship between the Catholic Church and the French State that lasted until it was abrogated by the Third Republic via the separation of church and state on 11 December 1905. The persecution of the Church led to a counter-revolution known as the Revolt in the Vendée, whose suppression is considered by some to be the first modern genocide.^[45]

Intrigues and radicalism

Factions within the Assembly began to clarify. The aristocrat Jacques Antoine Marie de Cazalès and the abbé Jean-Sifrein Maury led what would become known as the right wing, the opposition to revolution (this party sat on the right-hand side of the Assembly). The «Royalist democrats» or monarchiens, allied with Necker, inclined toward organising France along lines similar to the British constitutional model; they included Jean Joseph Mounier, the Comte de Lally-Tollendal, the comte de Clermont-Tonnerre, and Pierre Victor Malouet, comte de Virieu.

The «National Party», representing the centre or centre-left of the assembly, included Honoré Mirabeau, La Fayette, and Bailly; while Adrien Duport, Barnave and Alexandre Lameth represented somewhat more extreme views. Almost alone in his radicalism on the left was the Arras lawyer Maximilien Robespierre. Abbé Sieyès led in proposing legislation in this period and successfully forged consensus for some time between the political centre and the left. In Paris, various committees, the mayor, the assembly of representatives, and the individual districts each claimed authority independent of the others. The increasingly middle-class National Guard under La Fayette also slowly emerged as a power in its own right, as did other self-generated assemblies.

The Assembly abolished the symbolic paraphernalia of the Ancien Régime— armorial bearings, liveries, etc. – which further alienated the more conservative nobles, and added to the ranks of the émigrés. On 14 July 1790, and for several days following, crowds in the Champ de Mars celebrated the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille with the Fête de la Fédération; Talleyrand performed a mass; participants swore an oath of «fidelity to the nation, the law, and the king»; the King and the royal family actively participated.^[46]

The electors had originally chosen the members of the Estates-General to serve for a single year. However, by the terms of the Tennis Court Oath, the communes had bound themselves to meet continuously until France had a constitution. Right-wing elements now argued for a new election, but Mirabeau prevailed, asserting that the status of the assembly had fundamentally changed, and that no new election should take place before completing the constitution.^{[citation needed]}

In late 1790, the French army was in considerable disarray. The military officer corps was largely composed of noblemen, who found it increasingly difficult to maintain order within the ranks. In some cases, soldiers (drawn from the lower classes) had turned against their aristocratic commanders and attacked them. At Nancy, General Bouillé successfully put down one such rebellion, only to be accused of being anti-revolutionary for doing so. This and other such incidents spurred a mass desertion as more and more officers defected to other countries, leaving a dearth of experienced leadership within the army.^[47]

This period also saw the rise of the political «clubs» in French politics. Foremost among these was the Jacobin Club; 152 members had affiliated with the Jacobins by 10 August 1790. The Jacobin Society began as a broad, general organization for political debate, but as it grew in members, various factions developed with widely differing views. Several of these fractions broke off to form their own clubs, such as the Club of ’89.^[48]

Meanwhile, the Assembly continued to work on developing a constitution. A new judicial organisation made all magistracies temporary and independent of the throne. The legislators abolished hereditary offices, except for the monarchy itself. Jury trials started for criminal cases. The King would have the unique power to propose war, with the legislature then deciding whether to declare war. The Assembly abolished all internal trade barriers and suppressed guilds, masterships, and workers’ organisations: any individual gained the right to practice a trade through the purchase of a license; strikes became illegal.^[49]

In the winter of 1791, the Assembly considered, for the first time, legislation against the émigrés. The debate pitted the safety of the Revolution against the liberty of individuals to leave. Mirabeau prevailed against the measure, which he referred to as «worthy of being placed in the code of Draco«.^[47] But Mirabeau died on 2 April 1791 and, before the end of the year, the new Legislative Assembly adopted this draconian measure.^[50]

Royal flight to Varennes

Louis XVI was increasingly dismayed by the direction of the revolution. His brother, the Comte d’Artois and his queen, Marie Antoinette, urged a stronger stance against the revolution and support for the émigrés, while he was resistant to any course that would see him openly side with foreign powers against the Assembly. Eventually, fearing for his own safety and that of his family, he decided to flee Paris to the Austrian border, having been assured of the loyalty of the border garrisons.

Louis cast his lot with General Bouillé, who condemned both the emigration and the Assembly, and promised him refuge and support in his camp at Montmédy. On the night of 20 June 1791, the royal family fled the Tuileries Palace dressed as servants, while their servants dressed as nobles.

However, late the next day, the King was recognised and arrested at Varennes (in the Meuse département). He and his family were brought back to Paris under guard, still dressed as servants. Pétion, Latour-Maubourg, and Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave, representing the Assembly, met the royal family at Épernay and returned with them. From this time, Barnave became a counselor and supporter of the royal family. When they returned to Paris, the crowd greeted them in silence. The Assembly provisionally suspended the King. He and Queen Marie Antoinette remained held under guard.^{[51][52][53][54][55]}

Completing the constitution

Main article: The Last Days of the National Constituent Assembly

As most of the Assembly still favoured a constitutional monarchy rather than a republic, the various groups reached a compromise which left Louis XVI as little more than a figurehead: he was forced to swear an oath to the constitution, and a decree declared that retracting the oath, heading an army for the purpose of making war upon the nation, or permitting anyone to do so in his name would amount to abdication.^[56]

However, Jacques Pierre Brissot drafted a petition, insisting that in the eyes of the nation Louis XVI was deposed since his flight. An immense crowd gathered in the Champ de Mars to sign the petition. Georges Danton and Camille Desmoulins gave fiery speeches. The Assembly called for the municipal authorities to «preserve public order». The National Guard under La Fayette’s command confronted the crowd. The soldiers responded to a barrage of stones by firing into the crowd, killing between 13 and 50 people.^[57] The incident cost La Fayette and his National Guard much public support.

In the wake of the massacre the authorities closed many of the patriotic clubs, as well as radical newspapers such as Jean-Paul Marat‘s L’Ami du Peuple. Danton fled to England; Desmoulins and Marat went into hiding.^{[citation needed]}

Meanwhile, a new threat arose from abroad: the King’s brother in law Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II, Frederick William II of Prussia, and the King’s brother Charles-Philippe, comte d’Artois, issued the Declaration of Pillnitz, which proclaimed the cause of Louis XVI as their own, demanded his absolute liberty and hinted at an invasion of France on his behalf if the revolutionary authorities refused its conditions.^[58] Although Leopold himself sought to avoid war and made the declaration to satisfy the Comte d’Artois and the other émigrés, the reaction within France was ferocious. The French people expressed no respect for the dictates of foreign monarchs, and the threat of force merely hastened their militarisation.^[59]

Even before the Flight to Varennes, the Assembly members had determined to debar themselves from the legislature that would succeed them, the Legislative Assembly. They now gathered the various constitutional laws they had passed into a single constitution, and submitted it to the recently restored Louis XVI, who accepted it, writing «I engage to maintain it at home, to defend it from all attacks from abroad, and to cause its execution by all the means it places at my disposal». The King addressed the Assembly and received enthusiastic applause from members and spectators. With this capstone, the National Constituent Assembly adjourned in a final session on 30 September 1791.^[60]

Mignet argued that the «constitution of 1791… was the work of the middle class, then the strongest; for, as is well known, the predominant force ever takes possession of institutions… In this constitution the people was the source of all powers, but it exercised none.»^[56]

Legislative Assembly (1791–1792)

Failure of the constitutional monarchy

Main article: The Legislative Assembly and the fall of the French monarchy

Under the Constitution of 1791, France would function as a constitutional monarchy. The King had to share power with the elected Legislative Assembly, but he still retained his royal veto and the ability to select ministers. The Legislative Assembly first met on 1 October 1791, and degenerated into chaos less than a year later. In the words of the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica: «In the attempt to govern, the Assembly failed altogether. It left behind an empty treasury, an undisciplined army and navy, and a people debauched by safe and successful riot.»^[61] The Legislative Assembly consisted of about 165 Feuillants (constitutional monarchists) on the right, about 330 Girondists (liberal republicans) and Jacobins (radical revolutionaries) on the left, and about 250 deputies unaffiliated with either faction.^{[citation needed]} Early on, the King vetoed legislation that threatened the émigrés with death and that decreed that every non-juring clergyman must take within eight days the civic oath mandated by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Over the course of a year, such disagreements would lead to a constitutional crisis.^{[citation needed]}

Constitutional crisis

On the night of 10 August 1792, insurgents and popular militias, supported by the revolutionary Paris Commune, assailed the Tuileries Palace and massacred the Swiss Guards who were assigned for the protection of the king.^[62] The royal family ended up prisoners and a rump session of the Legislative Assembly suspended the monarchy; little more than a third of the deputies were present, almost all of them Jacobins.^[63]

What remained of a national government depended on the support of the insurrectionary Commune. The Commune sent gangs into the prisons to try arbitrarily and butcher 1400 victims, and addressed a circular letter to the other cities of France inviting them to follow this example. The Assembly could offer only feeble resistance. This situation persisted until the Convention, elected by universal male suffrage and charged with writing a new constitution, met on 20 September 1792 and became the new de facto government of France. The next day it abolished the monarchy and declared a republic. The following day – 22 September 1792, the first morning of the new Republic – was later retroactively adopted as the beginning of Year One of the French Republican Calendar.^[64]

War and Counter-Revolution (1792–1797)

The politics of the period inevitably drove France towards war with Austria and its allies. The King, many of the Feuillants, and the Girondins specifically wanted to wage war. The King (and many Feuillants with him) expected war would increase his personal popularity; he also foresaw an opportunity to exploit any defeat: either result would make him stronger. The Girondins wanted to export the Revolution throughout Europe and, by extension, to defend the Revolution within France. The forces opposing war were much weaker. Barnave and his supporters among the Feuillants feared a war they thought France had little chance to win and which they feared might lead to greater radicalization of the revolution. On the other end of the political spectrum Robespierre opposed a war on two grounds, fearing that it would strengthen the monarchy and military at the expense of the revolution, and that it would incur the anger of ordinary people in Austria and elsewhere. The Austrian emperor Leopold II, brother of Marie Antoinette, may have wished to avoid war, but he died on 1 March 1792.^[65] France preemptively declared war on Austria (20 April 1792) and Prussia joined on the Austrian side a few weeks later. The invading Prussian army faced little resistance until checked at the Battle of Valmy (20 September 1792), and forced to withdraw.

The new-born Republic followed up on this success with a series of victories in Belgium and the Rhineland in the fall of 1792. The French armies defeated the Austrians at the Battle of Jemappes on 6 November, and had soon taken over most of the Austrian Netherlands. This brought them into conflict with Britain and the Dutch Republic, which wished to preserve the independence of the southern Netherlands from France. After the king’s execution in January 1793, these powers, along with Spain and most other European states, joined the war against France. Almost immediately, French forces faced defeat on many fronts, and were driven out of their newly conquered territories in the spring of 1793. At the same time, the republican regime was forced to deal with rebellions against its authority in much of western and southern France. But the allies failed to take advantage of French disunity, and by the autumn of 1793 the republican regime had defeated most of the internal rebellions and halted the allied advance into France itself.

The stalemate was broken in the summer of 1794 with dramatic French victories. They defeated the allied army at the Battle of Fleurus, leading to a full Allied withdrawal from the Austrian Netherlands. They followed up by a campaign which swept the allies to the east bank of the Rhine and left the French, by the beginning of 1795, conquering Holland itself. The House of Orange was expelled and replaced by the Batavian Republic, a French satellite state. These victories led to the collapse of the coalition against France. Prussia, having effectively abandoned the coalition in the fall of 1794, made peace with revolutionary France at Basel in April 1795, and soon thereafter Spain, too, made peace with France. Of the major powers, only Britain and Austria remained at war with France.

It was during this time that La Marseillaise was first sung. Originally titled Chant de guerre pour l’Armée du Rhin («War Song for the Army of the Rhine»), the song was written and composed by Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle in 1792. It was adopted in 1795 as the nation’s first anthem.

National Convention (1792–1795)

Main article: National Convention

Execution of Louis XVI

Main article: Execution of Louis XVI

See also: Robespierre and the Execution of Louis XVI

In the Brunswick Manifesto, the Imperial and Prussian armies threatened retaliation on the French population if it were to resist their advance or the reinstatement of the monarchy. This among other things made Louis appear to be conspiring with the enemies of France. On 17 January 1793 Louis was condemned to death for «conspiracy against the public liberty and the general safety» by a close majority in Convention: 361 voted to execute the king, 288 voted against, and another 72 voted to execute him subject to a variety of delaying conditions. The former Louis XVI, now simply named Citoyen Louis Capet (Citizen Louis Capet), was executed by guillotine on 21 January 1793 on the Place de la Révolution, former Place Louis XV, now called the Place de la Concorde.^[66] Conservatives across Europe were horrified and monarchies called for war against revolutionary France.^[67][68]

Economy

When war went badly, prices rose and the sans-culottes — poor labourers and radical Jacobins – rioted; counter-revolutionary activities began in some regions. This encouraged the Jacobins to seize power through a parliamentary coup, backed up by force effected by mobilising public support against the Girondist faction, and by utilising the mob power of the Parisian sans-culottes. An alliance of Jacobin and sans-culottes elements thus became the effective centre of the new government. Policy became considerably more radical, as «The Law of the Maximum» set food prices and led to executions of offenders.^[69]

This policy of price control was coeval with the Committee of Public Safety’s rise to power and the Reign of Terror. The Committee first attempted to set the price for only a limited number of grain products but, by September 1793, it expanded the «maximum» to cover all foodstuffs and a long list of other goods.^[70] Widespread shortages and famine ensued. The Committee reacted by sending dragoons into the countryside to arrest farmers and seize crops. This temporarily solved the problem in Paris, but the rest of the country suffered. By the spring of 1794, forced collection of food was not sufficient to feed even Paris and the days of the Committee were numbered. When Robespierre went to the guillotine in July of that year the crowd jeered, «There goes the dirty maximum!»^[71]

Reign of Terror

The Committee of Public Safety came under the control of Maximilien Robespierre, a lawyer, and the Jacobins unleashed the Reign of Terror (1793–1794). According to archival records, at least 16,594 people died under the guillotine or otherwise after accusations of counter-revolutionary activities.^[72] A number of historians note that as many as 40,000 accused prisoners may have been summarily executed without trial or died awaiting trial.^[72][73]

On 2 June 1793, Paris sections — encouraged by the enragés («enraged ones») Jacques Roux and Jacques Hébert – took over the Convention, calling for administrative and political purges, a low fixed price for bread, and a limitation of the electoral franchise to sans-culottes alone.^[74] With the backing of the National Guard, they managed to persuade the Convention to arrest 31 Girondin leaders, including Jacques Pierre Brissot. Following these arrests, the Jacobins gained control of the Committee of Public Safety on 10 June, installing the revolutionary dictatorship.^[75]

On 13 July, the assassination of Jean-Paul Marat — a Jacobin leader and journalist known for his bloodthirsty rhetoric — by Charlotte Corday, a Girondin, resulted in further increase of Jacobin political influence. Georges Danton, the leader of the August 1792 uprising against the King, undermined by several political reversals, was removed from the Committee and Robespierre, «the Incorruptible», became its most influential member as it moved to take radical measures against the Revolution’s domestic and foreign enemies.^[75]

Meanwhile, on 24 June, the Convention adopted the first republican constitution of France, variously referred to as the French Constitution of 1793 or Constitution of the Year I. It was progressive and radical in several respects, in particular by establishing universal male suffrage. It was ratified by public referendum, but normal legal processes were suspended before it could take effect.^[76]

War in the Vendée

In Vendée, peasants revolted against the French Revolutionary government in 1793. They resented the changes imposed on the Roman Catholic Church by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790) and broke into open revolt in defiance of the Revolutionary government’s military conscription.^[77] This became a guerrilla war, known as the War in the Vendée.^[78] North of the Loire, similar revolts were started by the so-called Chouans (royalist rebels).^[79]

After the defeat at Savenay, when regular warfare in the Vendée was at an end, the French general Francois Joseph Westermann is argued by some historians to have penned a letter (its veracity is disputed)^[80][81] to the Committee of Public Safety, stating:

«There is no more Vendée. It died with its wives and its children by our free sabres. I have just buried it in the woods and the swamps of Savenay. According to the orders that you gave me, I crushed the children under the feet of the horses, massacred the women who, at least for these, will not give birth to any more brigands. I do not have a prisoner to reproach me. I have exterminated all. The roads are sown with corpses. At Savenay, brigands are arriving all the time claiming to surrender, and we are shooting them non-stop… Mercy is not a revolutionary sentiment.»^[82][83]

Other historians doubt the authenticity of this document and point out that the claims in it were patently false — there were in fact thousands of living Vendean prisoners, the revolt had been far from crushed, and the Convention had explicitly decreed that women, children and unarmed men were to be treated humanely.^[84] It has been hypothesized that if the letter is authentic, Westermann may have been attempting to exaggerate the intensity of his actions and his success, because he was eager to avoid being purged for his opposition to sans-culotte generals (he was later guillotined together with Danton’s group).^[85]

The revolt and its suppression, including both combat casualties and massacres and executions on both sides, are thought to have taken between 117,000 and 250,000 lives (170,000 according to the latest estimates).^[86] Because of the extremely brutal forms that the Republican repression took in many places, certain historians such as Reynald Secher have called the event a «genocide». This description has become popular in the mass media,^[87] but has largely been rejected by mainstream scholars.^[88]

Facing local revolts and foreign invasions in both the East and West of the country, the most urgent government business was the war. On 17 August, the Convention voted for general conscription, the levée en masse, which mobilized all citizens to serve as soldiers or suppliers in the war effort.

The National Convention subsequently enacted more legislation, voting on 9 September to establish sans-culottes paramilitary forces, revolutionary armies, and to force farmers to surrender grain demanded by the government. On 17 September, the Law of Suspects was passed, which authorized the charging of counter-revolutionaries with «crimes against liberty.» On 29 September, the Convention extended price limits from grain and bread to other household goods and established the Law of the Maximum, intended to prevent price gouging and supply food to the cities.^[89]

The guillotine as a symbol

The guillotine became the symbol of a string of executions. Louis XVI had already been guillotined before the start of the terror; Queen Marie Antoinette, Barnave, Bailly, Brissot and other leading Girondins, Philippe Égalité (despite his vote for the death of the King), Madame Roland and many others were executed by guillotine. The Revolutionary Tribunal summarily condemned thousands of people to death by the guillotine, while mobs beat other victims to death.

At the peak of the terror, the slightest hint of counter-revolutionary thoughts or activities (or, as in the case of Jacques Hébert, revolutionary zeal exceeding that of those in power) could place one under suspicion, and trials did not always proceed according to contemporary standards of due process. Sometimes people died for their political opinions or actions, but many for little reason beyond mere suspicion, or because some others had a stake in getting rid of them. Most of the victims received an unceremonious trip to the guillotine in an open wooden cart (the tumbrel). In the rebellious provinces, the government representatives had unlimited authority and some engaged in extreme repressions and abuses. For example, Jean-Baptiste Carrier became notorious for the Noyades («drownings») he organized in Nantes;^[90] his conduct was judged unacceptable even by the Jacobin government and he was recalled.^[91]

Another anti-clerical uprising was made possible by the installment of the Republican Calendar on 24 October 1793. Against Robespierre’s concepts of Deism and Virtue, Hébert’s (and Chaumette’s) atheist movement initiated a religious campaign to dechristianize society. The climax was reached with the celebration of the flame of Reason in Notre Dame Cathedral on 10 November.^[92]

The Reign of Terror ultimately weakened the revolutionary government, while temporarily ending internal opposition. The Jacobins expanded the size of the army, and Carnot replaced many aristocratic officers with soldiers who had demonstrated their patriotism, if not their ability. The Republican army was able to throw back the Austrians, Prussians, British, and Spanish. At the end of 1793, the army began to prevail and revolts were defeated with ease. The Ventôse Decrees (February–March 1794) proposed the confiscation of the goods of exiles and opponents of the Revolution, and their redistribution to the needy. However this policy was never fully implemented.^[93]

In the spring of 1794, both extremist enragés such as Hébert and moderate Montagnard indulgents such as Danton were charged with counter-revolutionary activities, tried and guillotined. On 7 June Robespierre, who had previously condemned the Cult of Reason, advocated a new state religion and recommended the Convention acknowledge the existence of the «Supreme Being».^[94]

There are three approaches to explaining the Reign of Terror imposed by the Jacobins in 1793-94. The older Marxist interpretation arguing the Terror was a necessary response to outside threats (in terms of other countries going to war with France) and internal threats (of traitors inside France threatening to frustrate the Revolution.) In this interpretation, as expressed by the Marxist historian Albert Soboul, Robespierre and the sans-culottes were heroes for defending the revolution from its enemies. Francois Furet has argued that foreign threats had little to do with the terror.^[95] Instead, the extreme violence was an inherent part of the intense ideological commitment of the revolutionaries – it was inevitable and necessary for them to achieve their utopian goals to kill off their opponents. Soboul’s Marxist interpretation has been largely abandoned by most historians since the 1990s. Hanson (2009) takes a middle position, recognizing the importance of the foreign enemies, and sees the terror as a contingency that was caused by the interaction of a series of complex events and the foreign threat. Hanson says the terror was not inherent in the ideology of the Revolution, but that circumstances made it necessary.^[96]

Thermidorian Reaction

On 27 July 1794, the Thermidorian Reaction led to the arrest and execution of Robespierre, Louis de Saint-Just, and other leading Jacobins. The new government was predominantly made up of Girondists who had survived the Terror, and after taking power, they took revenge as well by persecuting even those Jacobins who had helped to overthrow Robespierre, banning the Jacobin Club, and executing many of its former members in what was known as the White Terror.^[97][98]

In the wake of excesses of the Terror, the Convention approved the new «Constitution of the Year III» on 22 August 1795. A French plebiscite ratified the document, with about 1,057,000 votes for the constitution and 49,000 against.^[99] The results of the voting were announced on 23 September 1795, and the new constitution took effect on 27 September 1795.^[99]

The Constitutional Republic: The Directory (1795–1799)

Main article: French Directory

The new constitution created the Directoire (English: Directory) and the first bicameral legislature in French history.^[100] The parliament consisted of two houses: the Conseil des Cinq-Cents (Council of the Five Hundred), with 500 representatives, and the Conseil des Anciens (Council of Elders), with 250 senators. Executive power went to five «directors,» named annually by the Conseil des Anciens from a list submitted by the Conseil des Cinq-Cents. Furthermore, the universal male suffrage of 1793 was replaced by limited suffrage based on property.^[101]

With the establishment of the Directory, contemporary observers might have assumed that the Revolution was finished. Citizens of the war-weary nation wanted stability, peace, and an end to conditions that at times bordered on chaos. Those who wished to restore the monarchy and the Ancien Régime by putting Louis XVIII on the throne, and those who would have renewed the Reign of Terror were insignificant in number. The possibility of foreign interference had vanished with the failure of the First Coalition. The earlier atrocities had made confidence or goodwill between parties impossible.^[102]

The same instinct of self-preservation which had led the members of the Convention to claim so large a part in the new legislature and the whole of the Directory impelled them to keep their predominance. However, many French citizens distrusted the Directory,^[102] and the directors could achieve their purposes only by extraordinary means. They habitually disregarded the terms of the constitution, and, even when the elections that they rigged went against them, the directors routinely used draconian police measures to quell dissent. Moreover, to prolong their power the directors were driven to rely on the military, which desired war and grew less and less civic-minded.^[103]

Other reasons influenced them in the direction of war. State finances during the earlier phases of the Revolution had been so thoroughly ruined that the government could not have met its expenses without the plunder and the tribute of foreign countries. If peace were made, the armies would return home and the directors would have to face the exasperation of the rank-and-file who had lost their livelihood, as well as the ambition of generals who could, in a moment, brush them aside. Barras and Rewbell were notoriously corrupt themselves and screened corruption in others. The patronage of the directors was ill-bestowed, and the general maladministration heightened their unpopularity.^[104]

The constitutional party in the legislature desired toleration of the nonjuring clergy, the repeal of the laws against the relatives of the émigrés, and some merciful discrimination toward the émigrés themselves. The directors baffled all such endeavours. On the other hand, the socialist conspiracy of Babeuf was easily quelled. Little was done to improve the finances, and the assignats continued to fall in value.^{[citation needed]}

The new régime met opposition from remaining Jacobins and the royalists. The army suppressed riots and counter-revolutionary activities. In this way the army and its successful general, Napoleon Bonaparte eventually gained total power.

On 9 November 1799 (18 Brumaire of the Year VIII) Napoleon Bonaparte staged the coup of 18 Brumaire which installed the Consulate. This effectively led to Bonaparte’s dictatorship and eventually (in 1804) to his proclamation as Empereur (emperor), which brought to a close the specifically republican phase of the French Revolution.^[105]

Symbolism in the French Revolution

In order to effectively illustrate the differences between the new Republic and the old regime, the leaders needed to implement a new set of symbols to be celebrated instead of the old religious and monarchical symbolism. To this end, symbols were borrowed from historic cultures and redefined, while those of the old regime were either destroyed or reattributed acceptable characteristics. These revised symbols were used to instill in the public a new sense of tradition and reverence for the Enlightenment and the Republic.^[106]

Fasces

Fasces, likes many other symbols of the French Revolution, are Roman in origin. Fasces are a bundle of birch rods containing an axe. In Roman times, the fasces symbolized the power of magistrates who could order the beating of a criminal, representing union and accord with the Roman Republic.^[106] The French Republic continued this Roman symbol to represent state power, justice, and unity.^[106]

During the Revolution, the fasces image was often used in conjunction with many other symbols. Though seen throughout the French Revolution, perhaps the most well known French reincarnation of the fasces is the Fasces surmounted by a Phrygian cap. This image has no display of an axe or a strong central state; rather, it symbolizes the power of the liberated people by placing the Liberty Cap on top of the classical symbol of power.^[106]

Liberty cap

The Liberty cap, also known as the Phrygian cap, or pileus, is a brimless, felt cap that is conical in shape with the tip pulled forward. The cap was originally worn by ancient Romans and Greeks.^[107] The cap implies ennobling effects, as seen in its association with Homer’s Ulysses and the mythical twins, Castor and Pollux. The emblem’s popularity during the French Revolution is due in part to its importance in ancient Rome: its use alludes to the Roman ritual of manumission of slaves, in which a freed slave receives the bonnet as a symbol of his newfound liberty. The Roman tribune Lucius Appuleius Saturninus incited the slaves to insurrection by displaying a pileus as if it were a standard.^[108]

The pileus cap is often red in color. This type of cap was worn by revolutionaries at the fall of the Bastille. According to the Revolutions de Paris, it became «the symbol of the liberation from all servitudes, the sign for unification of all the enemies of despotism.»^[106] The pileus competed with the Phrygian cap, a similar cap that covered the ears and the nape of the neck, for popularity. The Phrygian cap eventually supplanted the pileus and usurped its symbolism, becoming synonymous with republican liberty.^[106]

Liberty Tree

The Liberty Tree, officially adopted in 1792, is a symbol of the everlasting Republic, national freedom, and political revolution.^[106] It has historic roots in revolutionary France as well as America, as a symbol that was shared by the two nascent republics.^[109] The tree was chosen as a symbol of the French Revolution because it is a symbol of fertility in French folklore,^[110] which provided a simple transition from revering it for one reason to another. The American colonies also used the idea of a Liberty Tree to celebrate their own acts of insurrection against the British, starting with the Stamp Act riot in 1765.^[111]

The riot culminated in the hanging in effigy of two Stamp Act politicians on a large elm tree. The elm tree began to be celebrated as a symbol of Liberty in the American colonies.^[111] It was adopted as a symbol that needed to be living and growing, along with the Republic. To that end, the tree is portrayed as a sapling, usually of an oak tree in French interpretation.^[112] The Liberty Tree serves as a constant celebration of the spirit of political freedom.

Hercules

The symbol of Hercules was first adopted by the Old Regime to represent the monarchy.^[113] Hercules was an ancient Greek hero who symbolized strength and power. The symbol was used to represent the sovereign authority of the King over France during the reign of the Bourbon monarchs.^[114] However, the monarchy was not the only ruling power in French history to use the symbol of Hercules to declare its power.

During the Revolution, the symbol of Hercules was revived to represent nascent revolutionary ideals. The first use of Hercules as a revolutionary symbol was during a festival celebrating the National Assembly’s victory over federalism on 10 August 1793.^[115] This Festival of Unity consisted of four stations around Paris which featured symbols representing major events of the Revolution which embodied revolutionary ideals of liberty, unity, and power.^[116]

The statue of Hercules, placed at the station commemorating the fall of Louis XVI, symbolized the power of the French people over their former oppressors. The statue’s foot was placed on the throat of the Hydra, which represented the tyranny of federalism which the new Republic had vanquished.^[115] In one hand, the statue grasped a club, a symbol of power, while in the other grasping the fasces which symbolized the unity of the French people.^[117] The image of Hercules assisted the new Republic in establishing its new Republican moral system.^[116] Hercules thus evolved from a symbol of the sovereignty of the monarch into a symbol of the new sovereign authority in France: the French people.^[118]

This transition was made easily for two reasons. First, because Hercules was a famous mythological figure, and had previously been used by the monarchy, he was easily recognized by educated French observers.^[114] It was not necessary for the revolutionary government to educate the French people on the background of the symbol. Additionally, Hercules recalled the classical age of the Greeks and the Romans, a period which the revolutionaries identified with republican and democratic ideals. These connotations made Hercules an easy choice to represent the powerful new sovereign people of France.

During the more radical phase of the Revolution from 1793 to 1794, the usage and depiction of Hercules changed. These changes to the symbol were due to revolutionary leaders believing the symbol was inciting violence among the common citizens.^[119] The triumphant battles of Hercules and the overcoming of enemies of the Republic became less prominent. In discussions over what symbol to use for the Seal of the Republic, the image of Hercules was considered but eventually ruled out in favor of Marianne.^[119]

Hercules was on the coin of the Republic.^[119] However, this Hercules was not the same image as that of the pre-Terror phases of the Revolution. The new image of Hercules was more domesticated. He appeared more paternal, older, and wiser, rather than the warrior-like images in the early stages of the French Revolution.^[119] Unlike his 24 foot statue in the Festival of the Supreme Being, he was now the same size as Liberty and Equality.^[119]

Also the language on the coin with Hercules was far different than the rhetoric of pre-revolutionary depictions. On the coins the words, «uniting Liberty and Equality» were used.^[119] This is opposed to the forceful language of early Revolutionary rhetoric and rhetoric of the Bourbon monarchy. By 1798, the Council of Ancients had discussed the «inevitable» change from the problematic image of Hercules, and Hercules was eventually phased out in favor of an even more docile image.^[119]

Role of women

Women had no political rights in pre-Revolutionary France; they could not vote or hold any political office. They were considered «passive» citizens; forced to rely on men to determine what was best for them in the government. It was the men who defined these categories, and women were forced to accept male domination in the political sphere.^[120]

Women were taught to be committed to their husbands and «all his interests… [to show] attention and care… [and] sincere and discreet zeal for his salvation.» A woman’s education often consisted of learning to be a good wife and mother; as a result women were not supposed to be involved in the political sphere, as the limit of their influence was the raising of future citizens.^[121] The subservient role of women prior to the revolution was perhaps best exemplified by the Frederican Code, published in 1750 and attacked by Enlightenment philosophers and publications.^[122]

The highly influential Encyclopédie in the 1750s set the tone of the Enlightenment, and its ideas exerted influence on the subsequent Revolution in France. Writing a number of articles on women in society, Louis de Jaucourt criticized traditional roles for women, arguing that «it would be difficult to demonstrate that the husband’s rule comes from nature, inasmuch as this principle is contrary to natural human equality… a man does not invariably have more strength of body, of wisdom, of mind or of conduct than a woman… The example of England and Russia shows clearly that women can succeed equally in both moderate and despotic government…»^[122]

When the Revolution opened, some women struck forcefully, using the volatile political climate to assert their active natures. In the time of the Revolution, women could not be kept out of the political sphere. They swore oaths of loyalty, «solemn declarations of patriotic allegiance, [and] affirmations of the political responsibilities of citizenship.» De Corday d’Armont is a prime example of such a woman; engaged in the revolutionary political faction of the Girondists, she assassinated the Jacobin leader, Marat. Throughout the Revolution, other women such as Pauline Léon and her Society of Revolutionary Republican Women supported the radical Jacobins, staged demonstrations in the National Assembly and participated in the riots, often using armed force.^[123]

Even before Léon, some liberals had advocated equal rights for women including women’s suffrage. Nicolas de Condorcet was especially noted for his advocacy, in his articles published in the Journal de la Société de 1789, and by publishing De l’admission des femmes au droit de cité («For the Admission to the Rights of Citizenship For Women») in 1790.

Feminist agitation

Main article: Militant Feminism in the French Revolution

The March to Versailles is but one example of feminist militant activism during the French Revolution. While largely left out of the thrust for increasing rights of citizens, as the question was left indeterminate in the Declaration of the Rights of Man,^[124] activists such as Pauline Léon and Théroigne de Méricourt agitated for full citizenship for women.^[125] Women were, nonetheless, «denied political rights of ‘active citizenship’ (1791) and democratic citizenship (1793).»^[124]

Pauline Léon, on 6 March 1792, submitted a petition signed by 319 women to the National Assembly requesting permission to form a garde national in order to defend Paris in case of military invasion.^[125] Léon requested permission be granted to women to arm themselves with pikes, pistols, sabers and rifles, as well as the privilege of drilling under the French Guards. Her request was denied.^[126] Later in 1792, Théroigne de Méricourt made a call for the creation of «legions of amazons» in order to protect the revolution. As part of her call, she claimed that the right to bear arm would transform women into citizens.^[127]

On 20 June 1792 a number of armed women took part in a procession that «passed through the halls of the Legislative Assembly, into the Tuilleries Gardens, and then through the King’s residence.»^[128] Militant women also assumed a special role in the funeral of Marat, following his murder on 13 July 1793. As part of the funeral procession, they carried the bathtub in which Marat had been murdered as well as a shirt stained with Marat’s blood.^[129]

The most radical militant feminist activism was practiced by the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, which was founded by Léon and her colleague, Claire Lacombe on 10 May 1793.^[130] The goal of the club was «to deliberate on the means of frustrating the projects of the enemies of the Republic.» Up to 180 women attended the meetings of the Society.^[131] Of special interest to the Society was «combating hoarding [of grain and other staples] and inflation.»^[132]

Later, on 20 May 1793, women were at the fore of a crowd that demanded «bread and the Constitution of 1793.»^[133] When their cries went unnoticed, the women went on a rampage, «sacking shops, seizing grain and kidnapping officials.»^[134]

Most of these outwardly activist women were punished for their actions. The kind of punishment received during the Revolution included public denouncement, arrest, execution, or exile. Théroigne de Méricourt was arrested, publicly flogged and then spent the rest of her life sentenced to an insane asylum. Pauline Léon and Claire Lacombe were arrested, later released, and continued to receive ridicule and abuse for their activism. Many of the women of the Revolution were even publicly executed for «conspiring against the unity and the indivisibility of the Republic».^[135]

Women writers

While some women chose a militant, and often violent, path, others chose to influence events through writing, publications, and meetings. Olympe de Gouges wrote a number of plays, short stories, and novels. Her publications emphasized that women and men are different, but this shouldn’t stop them from equality under the law. In her «Declaration on the Rights of Woman» she insisted that women deserved rights, especially in areas concerning them directly, such as divorce and recognition of illegitimate children.^[136]

De Gouges also expressed non-gender political views; even before the start of the terror, Olympe de Gouges addressed Robespierre using the pseudonym «Polyme» calling him the Revolution’s «infamy and shame.» She warned of the Revolution’s building extremism saying that leaders were «preparing new shackles if [the French people’s liberty were to] waver.» Stating that she was willing to sacrifice herself by jumping into the Seine if Robespierre were to join her, de Gouges desperately attempted to grab the attention of the French citizenry and alert them to the dangers that Robespierre embodied.^[136] In addition to these bold writings, her defense of the king was one of the factors leading to her execution. An influential figure, one of her suggestions early in the Revolution, to have a voluntary, patriotic tax, was adopted by the National Convention in 1789.^[137]

Madame Roland (aka Manon or Marie Roland) was another important female activist. Her political focus was not specifically on women or their liberation. She focused on other aspects of the government, but was a feminist by virtue of the fact that she was a woman working to influence the world. Her personal letters to leaders of the Revolution influenced policy; in addition, she often hosted political gatherings of the Brissotins, a political group which allowed women to join.^[138]

While limited by her gender, Madame Roland took it upon herself to spread Revolutionary ideology and spread word of events, as well as to assist in formulating the policies of her political allies. Though unable to directly write policies or carry them through to the government, Roland was able to influence her political allies and thus promote her political agenda. Roland attributed women’s lack of education to the public view that women were too weak or vain to be involved in the serious business of politics. She believed that it was this inferior education that turned them into foolish people, but women «could easily be concentrated and solidified upon objects of great significance» if given the chance.^[138]

As she was led to the scaffold, Madame Roland shouted «O liberty! What crimes are committed in thy name!» Witnesses of her life and death, editors, and readers helped to finish her writings and several editions were published posthumously. While she did not focus on gender politics in her writings, by taking an active role in the tumultuous time of the Revolution, Roland took a stand for women of the time and proved they could take an intelligent active role in politics.^[139]

Though women did not gain the right to vote as a result of the Revolution, they still greatly expanded their political participation and involvement in governing. They set precedents for generations of feminists to come.

Counter-revolutionary women

A major aspect of the French Revolution was the dechristianisation movement, a movement that many common people did not agree with. Especially for women living in rural areas of France, the demise of the Catholic Church meant a loss of normalcy. For instance, the ringing of Church bells resonating through the town called people to confession and was a symbol of unity for the community.^[140] With the onset of the dechristianisation campaign the Republic silenced these bells and sought simultaneously to silence the religious fervor of the majority Catholic population.^[140]

When these revolutionary changes to the Church were implemented, it spawned a counter-revolutionary movement, particularly amongst women. Although some of these women embraced the political and social amendments of the Revolution, they opposed the dissolution of the Catholic Church and the formation of revolutionary cults like the Cult of the Supreme Being advocated by Robespierre.^[141] As Olwen Hufton argues, these women began to see themselves as the “defenders of faith”.^[142] They took it upon themselves to protect the Church from what they saw as a heretical change to their faith, enforced by revolutionaries.

Counter-revolutionary women resisted what they saw as the intrusion of the state into their lives.^[143] Economically, many peasant women refused to sell their goods for assignats because this form of currency was unstable and was backed by the sale of confiscated Church property.^[142] By far the most important issue to counter-revolutionary women was the passage and the enforcement of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy in 1790. In response to this measure, women in many areas began circulating anti-oath pamphlets and refused to attend masses held by priests who had sworn oaths of loyalty to the Republic.^[143] This diminished the social and political influence of the juring priests because they presided over smaller congregations and counter-revolutionary women did not seek them for baptisms, marriages or confession.^[144] Instead, they secretly hid nonjuring priests and attended clandestine traditional masses.^[145] These women continued to adhere to traditional practices such as Christian burials and naming their children after saints in spite of revolutionary decrees to the contrary.^[146]

It was this determined resistance to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and the dechristianisation campaigns that played a major role in the re-emergence of the Catholic Church as a prominent social institution. In fact, Olwen Hufton notes about the Counter-Revolutionary women: “for it is her commitment to her religion which determines in the post-Thermidorean period the re-emergence of the Catholic Church…”.^[147] Although they struggled, these women were eventually vindicated in their bid to reestablish the Church and thereby also to reestablish traditional family life and social stability.^[148] This was seen in the Concordat of 1801, which formally reinstated the Catholic Church in France.^[149] This act came after years of failed attempts at dechristianisation or state-controlled religion, which were thwarted in part due to the resistance of devout counter-revolutionary women. After the upheaval of the revolutionary period, the reestablishment of the Church was seen by many people as a welcome return to normalcy.

Economic policies

The French Revolution abolished many of the constraints on the economy that had slowed growth during the ancien regime. It abolished tithes owed to local churches as well as feudal dues owed to local landlords. The result hurt the tenants, who paid both higher rents and higher taxes.^[150] It nationalized all church lands, as well as lands belonging to royalist enemies who went into exile. It planned to use these seized lands to finance the government by issuing assignats. It abolished the guild system as a worthless remnant of feudalism.^[151] It also abolished the highly inefficient system of tax farming, whereby private individuals would collect taxes for a hefty fee. The government seized the foundations that had been set up (starting in the 13th century) to provide an annual stream of revenue for hospitals, poor relief, and education. The state sold the lands but typically local authorities did not replace the funding and so most of the nation’s charitable and school systems were massively disrupted.^[152]

The economy did poorly in 1790-96 as industrial and agricultural output dropped, foreign trade plunged, and prices soared. The government decided not to repudiate the old debts. Instead it issued more and more paper money (called «assignat») that supposedly were grounded seized lands. The result was escalating inflation. The government imposed price controls and persecuted speculators and traders in the black market. People increasingly refused to pay taxes as the annual government deficit increased from 10% of gross national product in 1789 to 64% in 1793. By 1795, after the bad harvest of 1794 and the removal of price controls, inflation had reached a level of 3500%. The assignats were withdrawn in 1796 but the replacements also fueled inflation. The inflation was finally ended by Napoleon in 1803 with the franc as the new currency.^[153]

Napoleon after 1799 paid for his expensive wars by multiple means, starting with the modernization of the rickety financial system.^[154] He conscripted soldiers at low wages, raised taxes, placed large-scale loans, sold lands formerly owned by the Catholic Church, sold Louisiana to the United States, plundered conquered areas and seized food supplies, and levied requisitions on countries he controlled, such as Italy.^[155]

Legacy

Main article: Historiography of the French Revolution

The French Revolution has received enormous amounts of historical attention, both from the general public and from scholars and academics. The views of historians, in particular, have been characterized as falling along ideological lines, with disagreement over the significance and the major developments of the Revolution.^[156] Alexis de Tocqueville argued that the Revolution was a manifestation of a more prosperous middle class becoming conscious of its social importance.^[157]

Other thinkers, like the conservative Edmund Burke, maintained that the Revolution was the product of a few conspiratorial individuals who brainwashed the masses into subverting the old order—a claim rooted in the belief that the revolutionaries had no legitimate complaints.^[158] Other historians, influenced by Marxist thinking, have emphasized the importance of the peasants and the urban workers in presenting the Revolution as a gigantic class struggle.^[159] In general, scholarship on the French Revolution initially studied the political ideas and developments of the era, but it has gradually shifted towards social history that analyzes the impact of the Revolution on individual lives.^[160]

Historians widely regard the Revolution as one of the most important events in human history, and the end of the early modern period, which started around 1500, is traditionally attributed to the onset of the French Revolution in 1789.^[161] The Revolution is, in fact, often seen as marking the «dawn of the modern era».^[162] Within France itself, the Revolution permanently crippled the power of the aristocracy and drained the wealth of the Church, although the two institutions survived despite the damage they sustained. After the collapse of the First Empire in 1815, the French public lost the rights and privileges earned since the Revolution, but they remembered the participatory politics that characterized the period, with one historian commenting: «Thousands of men and even many women gained firsthand experience in the political arena: they talked, read, and listened in new ways; they voted; they joined new organizations; and they marched for their political goals. Revolution became a tradition, and republicanism an enduring option.»^[163]

Some historians argue that the French people underwent a fundamental transformation in self-identity, evidenced by the elimination of privileges and their replacement by rights as well as the growing decline in social deference that highlighted the principle of equality throughout the Revolution.^[164] The Revolution represented the most significant and dramatic challenge to political absolutism up to that point in history and spread democratic ideals throughout Europe and ultimately the world.^[165] However, according to French historian François Furet it was also the origin of totalitarian political ideas, and of the legitimization of systematic, large-scale violence against social classes considered undesirable.^[166] Thus, it had a profound impact on the Russian Revolution and its ideas inspired Mao Zedong in his efforts at constructing a communist state in China.^[167]

See also

• France in the long nineteenth century
• Biens nationaux
• La Révolution française (film)
• List of people granted honorary French citizenship during the French Revolution
• Military career of Napoleon Bonaparte
• Napoleonic code
• Jean-Nicolas Pache
• Dechristianisation of France during the French Revolution

General

• List of revolutions and rebellions
• Rise of nationalism in Europe
• Dual revolution
• History of democracy

Political clubs during the French Revolution

• Jacobin
• Cordeliers
• Feuillant
• Society of the Friends of Truth
• Montagnards
• Girondin

Other revolutions or rebellions in French history

• Camisard Rebellion, French Huguenots (1710–1715).
• Haitian Revolution, Haiti colony (1791–1804).
• July Revolution (1830).
• Canut revolts of the July Monarchy.
• French Revolution of 1848.
• Resistance to the coup of 1851.
• Paris Commune (1871).
• French Army Mutinies (1917).
• French Resistance during World War II.
• May 1968 in France, a rebellion that did not lead to revolution.

Notes

References

Further reading

see also Historiography of the French Revolution

Primary sources

• Anderson, F.M. (1904). The constitutions and other select documents illustrative of the history of France, 1789-1901. http://books.google.com/books?id=N7pVAAAAYAAJ., complete text online
• Legg, L. G. Wickham, ed. Select Documents Illustrative of the History of the French Revolution (2 Volumes, 1905) 630pp
• Stewart, John Hall, ed. A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution (1951), 818pp
• Thompson, J. M., ed. The French revolution;: Documents, 1789-94 (1948), 287pp

External links

• Entry on Encyclopedia.com from the Columbia Encyclopedia.
• Primary source documents from The Internet Modern History Sourcebook.
• Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution, a collaborative site by the Center for History and New Media (George Mason University) and the American Social History Project (City University of New York).
• The Origins of the French Revolution, The French Revolution: The Moderate Stage, 1789–1792 and The French Revolution: The Radical Stage, 1792–1794, three essays from The History Guide: Lectures on Modern European Intellectual History.
• Vancea, S. The Cahiers de Doleances of 1789, Clio History Journal, 2008.